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How States Fail: Unraveling The Systemic Crises Threatening Our Nation
15th August 2024 • Voice over Work - An Audiobook Sampler • Russell Newton
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Global Crisis,

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National Renewal:

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A (Revolutionary)

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Grand Strategy for the United States By Charles Hugh Smith, narrated by russell newton.

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All nation-states face the same challenges that together form the Global Crisis

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of the title - 1.

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The increasing scarcity of essential resources has ended the era of

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ever-expanding consumption that was presumed to be permanent.

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2.

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Elites’ excessive share of resources,

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capital and power has destabilized the domestic order.

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The distribution of resources,

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capital and agency is the core issue domestically and globally.

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The tremendous asymmetry of today’s inequality ensures collapse if left to

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fester.

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3.

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The state’s structural weaknesses and the limits on its power are neither

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acknowledged nor understood.

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4.

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Policies that have been solutions for the global expansion since the end of

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World War Ii are not just failing,

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they are accelerating the unraveling.

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They are no longer solutions - they are the problem.

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5.

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Rather than being the solution to the problems of scarcity and elite dominance,

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the state is itself a problem that the state cannot recognize,

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much less resolve.

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All Grand Strategies share an implicit belief that existing state structures

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and leadership can resolve any crisis that arises.

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The possibility that the system itself is the core problem doesn’t occur to

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those benefiting from the current arrangement.

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The foundation of this confidence is self-interest - since the system serves

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our self-interest,

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it cannot be the problem.

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The history of past successes in surmounting crises is another implicit

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foundation of confidence in the status quo - since this system met every

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previous challenge successfully,

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therefore it cannot itself be the problem.

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This implicit confidence in the existing system generates self-reinforcing

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responses - if existing policies are failing,

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the solution is to do more of what worked in the past,

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that is,

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doing more of what’s now failing.

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This confidence in the system creates a blind spot.

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Since the system can’t be the problem,

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all evidence that it’s failing is rationalized.

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As existing policies fail,

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the temptation to substitute magical thinking for real solutions becomes

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irresistible.

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In ancient crises,

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this temptation manifested as religious rituals or paeans to past glories.

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In the present era,

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magical thinking manifests as technological orthodoxy - a new technology will

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save us.

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The elites at the top of the wealth-power pyramid are incapable of separating

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their own interests from those of the state - whatever diminishes my wealth

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cannot possibly be good for the status quo,

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as my interests and the interests of the state are one.

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This self-serving unity breaks down in crises that reveal the widening gap

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between the common interest and the interests of the elite.

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States that cannot place the nation’s interests above those of the elite in

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crises will fail as the nation crumbles under the weight of its outsized

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self-serving elite.

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This implicit confidence in the system and the supremacy of self-interest

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hardens the elite’s commitment to maintaining the system as-is - why change

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what’s worked well for decades?

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Why take the risks of changing a system that has served my interests so well?

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Since previous solutions did not require any elite sacrifice,

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the elite implicitly believes that solutions that don’t require any personal

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sacrifice must be available,

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and so they reject any solution that diminishes their power.

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This is the current state of affairs.

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Neither the state nor the elite is willing to recognize that the state and the

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self-serving elite are the core problems.

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This guarantees that the state will try one expedient fix after another,

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increasingly relying on magical thinking as a substitute for recognizing that

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the system itself is no longer a solution but is itself the problem.

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Lastly,

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the concentration of power in the state has created a leviathan with immense

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inertia.

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Every agency has an incentive to grind on,

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changing nothing of substance,

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with no incentive to risk radical adaptation.

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This guarantees that real solutions will be rejected as unnecessary since doing

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more of the same always worked in the past.

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It is tempting to think that existing structures can resolve these crises,

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for the tacit assumption is that "all crises are temporary."

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If energy is scarce,

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that scarcity is temporary.

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Financial crises are equally temporary,

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as the restoration of confidence is presumed to be a self-healing process.

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Part of the substitution of magical thinking for real solutions is to gloss

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over the increasing signs of instability and the resulting extremes of policy

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being deployed to restore the public perception of stability - i.e.,

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the narrative that "the system is successfully resolving all problems."

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But beneath the surface,

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the machinery is being held together by increasingly expedient fixes which are

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themselves generating new sources of instability.

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The current system encourages officials to issue assurances that the system is

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working well.

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After all,

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if the public caught wind that the system is failing that would add to the

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instability,

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so false assurances are heaped on even as the official narrative veers ever

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farther from real-world evidence that status quo polices are not fixing the

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problems.

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Ever since the emergence of the state as a problem-solving structure,

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the state’s core solution has been to expand its power to apply more

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resources to whatever crises arise.

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This concentration of power generates incentives for an elite to influence the

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state to serve its interests.

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In other words,

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the more power the state concentrates in the hands of top officials,

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the greater the gains for those who influence the state to grant them tax

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subsidies,

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monopolies,

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etc.

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State power leverages private wealth,

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which is the systemic source of soaring inequality - $5 million spent on

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lobbying and campaign contributions can generate $100 million in private gains.

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Since few have $5 million to invest in influencing the state to serve private

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interests,

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the super-wealthy become wealthier.

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The state has no mechanism for recognizing that the state itself and the

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super-wealthy elite are the root problems.

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The state is not a self-aware system;

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rather,

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it is a trial-and-error mechanism that preserves existing solutions as it

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processes competing claims for its attention and powers.

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The state has no way to recognize that its own concentration of power is now

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the source of systemic destabilization.

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This is the core structural flaw in the state.

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Three Core System Crises.

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While states view all crises as solvable with existing policies,

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the reality is that there are three core crises that are systemic and can only

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be resolved by new concepts and a radically different state-market system from

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the one that is globally dominant today.

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Systemic Crisis #1.

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The energy required to continue expanding consumption is no longer available at

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a cost affordable to the bottom 90% of consumers.

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Total energy available for consumption is declining due to physical

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constraints;

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as well,

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the hope that so-called renewable energy will replace the majority of

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hydrocarbon energy is magical thinking.

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The existing state-market system has neither the structure nor the conceptual

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framework to manage the reversal of ever-expanding consumption to declining

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consumption.

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Systemic Crisis #2.

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Concentrations of wealth and power in elites are inherently destabilizing,

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because concentrations of wealth accelerate inequality and undermine the

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foundations of dynamic stability (competition,

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transparency,

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feedback,

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variability,

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dissent and accountability/skin in the game).

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The elites’ power results from suppressing these forces.

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Well-moated monopolies eliminate competition and use their influence to hide

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transgressions from public exposure,

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suppressing transparency and accountability.

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They also influence the state to protect their private gains by transferring

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losses to the public via bailouts.

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This institutionalizes moral hazard,

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the separation of risk and consequence.

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This is highly destabilizing,

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as state bailouts encourage ever-riskier bets which become so large they

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threaten the entire financial system.

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Inequality is shorthand for the transfer of wealth and power from the many to

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the few,

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who then protect their dominance by buying political influence.

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The decline in political and economic power of the middle class and the

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dominance of the elite erodes the foundations of domestic stability (i.e.

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upward mobility,

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equal treatment before the law,

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social cohesion,

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moral legitimacy and civic virtue.

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Once these foundations are eroded,

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all that remains are self-interest and corruption.

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Systems that increase inequality and suppress the mechanisms of dynamic

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stability are unstable and prone to sudden collapse.

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This is especially true of democracies,

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which function by institutionalizing limits on elite power.

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Once these corrective mechanisms have been neutered,

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democracy is merely the public-relations cover for a neofeudal autocracy.

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Systemic Crisis #3.

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Elites achieve their dominance of wealth and power by placing their

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self-interest above all else.

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As states and markets unravel,

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elites devote their resources to protecting their dominance by suppressing

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reforms which threaten their power.

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Having eliminated the possibility of reform,

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the elites leave the system with only two evolutionary pathways - collapse or a

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revolutionary convulsion that sweeps the system they control into the dustbin

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of history.

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In other words,

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systems that generate elite dominance are optimized for instability,

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and systems that limit elite dominance are optimized for stability.

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The greater the concentration of power in the state,

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the greater the benefits accruing to any elite that gains political dominance.

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The more power held by the few at the expense of the many,

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the greater the systemic instability.

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This is the irony of great state power - the more power that is concentrated in

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elites,

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the greater the intrinsic instability of the system and thus the greater the

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risk of collapse.

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It bears repeating - nation-states that concentrate power that can be devoted

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to serve private interests rather than the common good are intrinsically

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unstable,

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and nation-states that distribute power and enforce systemic limits on elites

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are intrinsically stable.

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If elites can gain influence over even a sliver of state power and apply that

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leverage to serve their private interests,

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this process amplifies inequality.

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The only possible result of such an arrangement is systemic instability,

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an instability that veers towards collapse in crisis.

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Thus,

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elite dominance is a death sentence for the state and the society it rules,

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as devoting state power to serve private interests destabilizes the system by

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stripping it of adaptive vigor and corrupting its civic and moral foundations.

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Instability and collapse are the only possible outputs of such systems.

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And labeling an unstable system "socialist" or "capitalist" or "Green" won’t

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change the outcome.

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An elite can only gain dominance in a system that concentrates power in

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hierarchies that can be corrupted,

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a system in which private interests can disable competition,

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transparency,

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feedback,

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dissent and accountability as hindrances to their dominance.

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Being systemic,

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these dynamics cannot be mooted by ideology,

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good intentions,

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personalities,

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public relations or superficial reforms.

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The only way to transform an unstable system into a stable system is to change

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the system itself.

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How to effect that change is the subject of this book.

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Additional Challenges For The U. S. .

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In addition to the global crises shared by all states,

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the United States faces challenges that are unique to its history and structure.

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1.

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America’s remarkable success domestically and internationally (its global

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hegemony,

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i.e.,

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its dominant role and influence)

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over the post-World War Ii era has generated a dangerous overconfidence in the

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permanent superiority of its institutions and leadership.

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But past success not only does not guarantee future success,

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it is a source of potentially fatal hubris.

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2.

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America’s elite so completely dominates the economic and political orders

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that there are no corrective mechanisms left to reverse the fatal consequences

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of this extreme dominance.

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3.

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As a composite state—a state composed of many different ethnicities,

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faiths regions and classes--the stability of America’s domestic order rests

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on social cohesion,

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moral legitimacy,

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civic virtue and a shared national purpose.

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All of these have unraveled,

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leaving the domestic order prone to disorder and collapse.

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Once the domestic order unravels,

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so too does global hegemony.

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4.

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America’s lofty ideals of personal liberty and agency (a say in public

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decisions,

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control of one’s life)

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are at odds with the informal tyranny of daily life in an economy that serves

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the interests of the wealthiest few at the expense of the many,

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whose agency is limited by the dominance of the elite who control the vast

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majority of political and financial power.

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5.

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As a representational democracy composite state holding lofty ideals,

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America’s social ontology requires a moral foundation that limits the

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dominance of self-interest.

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However,

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self-interest is now the guiding principle in America,

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and this winner take most ideology has demolished the moral foundations of

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democracy and open markets.

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6.

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America’s social ontology dismisses limits as defeatist and encourages a

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quasi-religious faith in can-do technological solutions for all problems.

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7.

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As the issuer of the dominant reserve currency (the U. S. dollar)

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and guarantor of the global financial system,

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central bank distortions of credit and risk have fatally undermined the

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stability of the financial system.

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Successful empires share some or all these traits - overconfidence,

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the dominance of what historian Peter Turchin terms parasitic elites,

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an unruly composite society of multiple populaces,

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politically expedient debauchery of finance and a propensity for magical

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thinking when faced with novel crises.

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Given this social ontology,

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some readers may be predisposed to declare all problems as solvable by new

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technologies or the existing tool bag of reforms.

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To break through this predisposition requires a deep critique many may find

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disturbing because it exposes physical and institutional limits that cannot be

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resolved with reforms or technological fixes.

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Many will find the moral rot the critique exposes equally disturbing.

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As you read through the rest of Section One,

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keep in mind that each dynamic is part of the entire system and is connected

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synergistically to the other dynamics,

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either beneficially or destructively.

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This whole—which includes what I term the social ontology,

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resources,

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the economy and the political sphere—is an emergent system,

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which means that the whole is not just more than the sum of all its parts,

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it is an entirely different structure with its own dynamics.

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Put another way - though we separate the social,

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economic and political orders for analytic purposes,

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each cannot be understood as a separate system.

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In a similar fashion,

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we cannot separate the material world of resources from the social constructs

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of money or the intangible but very real world of morals,

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values and the common good.

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The typical socio-economic-political analysis is bloodless,

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avoiding the intangibles of morality,

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values and fairness.

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In the modernist ideology,

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the individual is supreme and thus free to define everything to fit

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self-interest.

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This ideology also views the individual as a rational economic actor for whom

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the pursuit of self-interest is not only natural,

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it is the core organizing principle of human existence.

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This truncated understanding is a common thread in the fatal synergies we

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examine in this section.

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As befits a novel analysis,

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you will encounter novel phrases and meanings here,

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as I have created new terms out of necessity.

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Conventional histories of geopolitics are organized around ideologies,

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policies and individuals.

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This analysis arises from an entirely different context - the study of systems.

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An example will help illuminate the difference.

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Systems analyst Eric Bonabeau described how traffic gridlock forms without an

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accident,

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blockage or leadership - "Traffic jams are actually very complicated and

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mysterious.

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On an individual level,

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each driver is trying to get somewhere and is following (or breaking)

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certain rules,

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some legal (the speed limit)

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and others societal or personal (slow down to let another driver change into

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your lane).

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But a traffic jam is a separate and distinct entity that emerges from those

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individual behaviors.

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Gridlock on a highway,

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for example,

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can travel backward for no apparent reason,

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even as the cars are moving forward."

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Once traffic freezes in gridlock,

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a magnetic leader (shall we say Napoleon?)

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stuck in a vehicle has no more power to relieve the congestion than any other

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participant.

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(A “whiff of grapeshot” won’t dissipate gridlock.)

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The wealthiest few in the costliest vehicles are equally powerless to escape or

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reverse the congestion.

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This is at odds with the conventions of Grand Strategy,

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which hold that Great Leaders implementing corrective policies can reverse any

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systemic failure.

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In this secular faith,

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every situation is akin to Apple just before Steve Jobs returned to rescue the

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company from collapse - the right leader with the right policies and

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technologies can take control of any problem and solve it.

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But not all problems share the same structure as Apple,

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a hierarchical corporation organized around the sole goal of maximizing profits

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from consumer technologies.

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Self-organizing systems are not like corporations,

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they are like traffic flows,

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and the complex systems we are concerned with here—nation-states,

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economies and societies—all have self-organizing characteristics and limits

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imposed by physics and finance.

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Our secular faith holds that all systems are hierarchical in structure .- Great

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Leaders solve problems by issuing orders that flow down a military-like chain

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of command.

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But complex systems are more akin to ecosystems than militaries.

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Their problem-solving arises from evolutionary adaptability,

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not from a top-down chain of command.

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The desire for easy fixes that don’t rock the boat is understandable,

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but problems can only be solved if they are understood systemically and

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dispassionately.

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If the diagnosis is superficially rosy but wrong,

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the patient expires.

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The irony here is the desire for sacrifice-free solutions blocks the real

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solutions that await us if we face the problems directly in all their systemic

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complexity and depth.

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The Unrecognized Threat.

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The Grand Strategy of the United States has remained remarkably consistent for

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the past 75 years - in the conventional view,

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geopolitical rivals pose the primary threat to American security,

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so the U. S. deploys multilateral treaties,

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alliances,

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trade agreements,

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soft power and warfighting capabilities to blunt competing great powers.

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Our responses have evolved but we assume that the threat—geopolitical

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rivals—remains unchanged.

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Though few recognize it,

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the threat has changed.

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The greatest threat to America’s security arises not from global rivals but

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from the unraveling of America’s domestic order and the precariousness of the

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world’s oil-debt duopoly.

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Few recognize this fundamental shift because the Grand Strategy has always

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taken the durability of America’s domestic political,

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economic and social orders for granted,

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along with the abundance of natural resources and the permanence of economic

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expansion.

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As a result,

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for the past 75 years,

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when we speak of Grand Strategy,

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the conversation starts and ends with geopolitical rivals.

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This preoccupation with geopolitics is dangerously misleading,

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for the foundation of any Grand Strategy is the domestic economy and polity.

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No geopolitical strategy or military can outlast the decay and collapse of a

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state’s domestic order.

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In effect,

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the greatest threat to America’s global hegemony is unrecognized.

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Viewed through the geopolitical filter,

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states fail as a result of war,

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conquest or bolts from the blue such as pandemics or drought.

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But if we remove this filter,

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we find that the decay of the domestic economic,

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political and social orders is the decisive factor.

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States fail when the domestic economy no longer generates enough surplus to

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fund the state and the parasitic elites that have come to dominate the state.

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The final collapse is the result of the state mismanaging the distribution of

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dwindling resources and its failure to properly understand novel challenges and

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its own weaknesses.

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Rather than fulfilling what should be its core role as the organizational

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solution to crises and scarcities,

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the state itself becomes the problem.

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Having failed as a solution,

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the state falls and is replaced by another arrangement.

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Seven Systems Themes.

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The shelf of books on systems is long and so some distillation is required.

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Since this book is a systems-level look at complex problems,

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I refer to systems throughout.

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Seven themes inform this inquiry - 1.

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Controls on any system come from the next larger scale phenomena.

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2.

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Systemic collapses can be initiated by small defects.

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3.

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New sources of information / feedback can serve as leverage points that change

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the entire system.

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(Per Donnella Meadows)

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4.

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Evolutionary leaps / revolutionary advances are only possible if the requisite

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preconditions are already in place.

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5.

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Small islands of coherence have the capacity to change an entire system.

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(Per Ilya Prigogine)

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6.

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We can only manage what we measure.

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7.

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If the system is controlled by one of its nodes,

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the system cannot serve the common interests of all the nodes.

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Even if they are not explicitly cited,

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these concepts inform the critique (Sections One,

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Two,

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Three and Four)

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and the proposed solutions (Section Five).

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Overall,

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there are two general observations about systems to keep in mind going forward

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- 1)

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Emergent (self-organizing)

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systems are governed by initial conditions and constraints,

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and 2)

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Systems that avoid adaptations as potential threats to the status quo are prone

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to collapse.

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What Is National Security?

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As noted in the Introduction,

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Grand Strategy is ultimately the pursuit of security in its broadest measure.

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While traditional Grand Strategy focuses on the geopolitical goals of

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protecting national interests,

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these are simply the means to securing the resources needed for the well-being

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and security of the citizenry.

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Well-being requires both the material essentials of life—food,

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clean water,

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shelter,

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healthcare and so on—and the intangible rights to civil liberties and

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agency—a say in public decisions,

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social mobility and control of one’s life.

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Well-being requires an infrastructure that ensures a distribution of resources

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that ensures none will starve while others feast.

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States that fail to secure sufficient resources for their citizenry have short

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lifespans.

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Resources can become scarce for a number of reasons.

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The nation’s resources can be depleted and substitutes are not available.

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The population can expand rapidly,

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outpacing available resources.

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The state can promote the expansion of consumption by economic stimulus,

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pushing demand above what the system can provide.

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The cost of essentials can rise above what most of the populace can afford.

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Geopolitical shifts can restrict the global availability of resources.

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Resource-rich nations can restrict their exports due to rising domestic demand.

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Parasitic elites can hoard resources,

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creating shortages for the bottom 90%.

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In sum,

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scarcity has many sources.

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A nation that is dependent on foreign sources for essentials is extremely

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vulnerable to disruption.

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The dependent nation’s security is extremely fragile,

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as any break in the supply chain,

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whether accidental or planned,

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or any sharp increase in the cost of essentials,

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threatens the nation with breakdown.

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The United States made a decision at the beginning of the 21st century to

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offshore much of its manufacturing base to increase corporate profits,

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which rose from $500 billion in 2000 to $2.7 trillion in 2021.

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(Adjusted for inflation,

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profits would be $800 billion in 2021 had margins remained at 2000 levels.)

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The United States also made a second decision in 2000,

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to fully financialize its economy and society by vastly expanding debt and

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leverage to fund an increase in consumption and asset prices.

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Although these decisions can’t be traced to a specific vote or policy,

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each was nonetheless a decision,

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for there was nothing inevitable about increasing the nation’s dependence on

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foreign sources or promoting consumption by expanding debt and asset bubbles.

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These decisions were the result of systemic incentives and values which I

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discuss in following chapters - the worship of growth at any cost,

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the ascendance of self-interest and the rise of incentives to maximize private

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gains and asset prices by any means available,

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both of which disproportionately benefit the elite that owns the vast majority

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of assets.

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The key point here is these are systemic,

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meaning they are not limited to one social,

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political or economic pocket.

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As I will explain in following chapters,

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once these incentives and values are instantiated,

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the only possible output of that system is fragility,

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instability and collapse.

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Historian Immanuel Wallerstein’s characterization of this system is apt - "A

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particular historical configuration of markets and state structures where

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private economic gain by almost any means is the paramount goal and measure of

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success."

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The resulting expansion of private wealth generates a self-reinforcing feedback

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loop - the more wealth the elite accrue,

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the more political influence they acquire to protect their gains and extend

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their power.

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This feedback loop has resulted in an elite powerful enough to neuter the

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corrective mechanisms in America’s political order.

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This unprecedented concentration of wealth and power has destabilized the

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nation by increasing its dependence on foreign sources and dominating the

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financial and political spheres to serve the interests of the few at the

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expense of the many.

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These two dynamics—the decisions to trade dependence on foreign sources of

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essentials for vastly greater private wealth,

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and the self-reinforcing feedback loop of ever greater concentrations of wealth

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and power—have undermined national security.

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The nation has ceded control of essentials and pricing power to other nations,

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and ceded control of the domestic economy to an elite that solely serves its

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own self-interest.

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As a result,

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scarcities in material essentials can no longer be filled from domestic

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sources,

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and civil liberties and agency have been eroded as threats to elite dominance.

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The erosion of independence--the capacity to supply the citizenry with

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essentials from domestic sources—has profoundly undermined our national

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security in ways few understand.

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Promoters of global trade calculate the benefits in a deceptively superficial

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fashion - if a pharmaceutical precursor compound costs $1 less when sourced

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overseas,

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to proponents this is an unquestioned benefit to the importing nation.

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The flaws in this superficial calculus only become visible when 80% of the

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nation’s pharmaceuticals are entirely dependent on foreign sources,

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sources which can be withheld for geopolitical blackmail or to serve the

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exporting nation’s domestic populace.

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When an essential industry becomes dependent on foreign sources,

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that industry is insecure,

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and thus the nation is insecure.

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The shortages of essential supplies in America at the onset of the Covid

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pandemic revealed the fatal weakness of superficial calculations of trade’s

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benefits - dependence has a consequential cost that cannot be discerned in

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price tags which are distorted by exporters’ subsidies and currency arbitrage.

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What trade proponents fail to understand is what’s decisively consequential

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isn’t price,

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it’s the essential or non-essential nature of the goods,

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services and industries being imported.

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Consider Imperial Rome’s vast trade in aromatic woods grown in Arabia that

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wealthy Romans burned for incense.

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While the elite’s culture of abundance considered such incense essential,

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it was clearly non-essential compared to the gold and silver that was drained

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from the Imperial economy by the enormous importation of incense .- Rome’s

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wealth literally went up in smoke.

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The difference between essential and non-essential goods becomes clear when

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imports are disrupted.

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If imports of non-essentials such as toys and luxury items are cut off,

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retailers suffer but the populace is little affected.

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If imports of essentials such as metals,

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semiconductors and pharmaceuticals are cut off,

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the populace is thrown into a crisis of scarcities that cannot be filled.

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As I will emphasize in later sections,

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we only manage what we measure,

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and superficial calculations of price don’t measure national dependence or

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vulnerability;

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conventional metrics of trade only measure price and private profit.

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The gains of trade that creates national dependence are private,

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while the potentially disastrous consequences of national vulnerability fall on

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the public.

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This absurdly narrow calculation of gain—price and private profit—is

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subject to what I term the tyranny of price,

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a topic I’ll explore in later sections.

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This tyranny holds that a lower price is always a gain for all parties - the

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seller,

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the importer and the consumer.

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Proponents of trade claim that lower prices benefit consumers and thus the

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national interest,

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but these claims are specious - most of the reduction in price results from a

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decline in the quality and durability of the imported goods and the arbitrage

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of currencies.

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To name one example,

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household appliances that lasted 20 years two generations ago when they were

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manufactured in the U. S. now routinely fail in a few years now that their

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components are made in other nations,

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and the repair costs are often equal to the cost of a replacement—a key

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driver in the Landfill Economy of planned obsolescence and low-quality

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production using the cheapest components.

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Once again,

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the costs of wholesale declines in quality and durability are not included in

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the price,

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yet these declines are extremely costly over the long term to both consumers

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and the nation.

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In other words,

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the market only prices trade as a measure of private gain - lower production

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costs overseas create bigger profits for importers.

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This simplistic pricing has no mechanism to recognize,

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much less measure,

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the national consequences of collapsing quality or dependence on foreign

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sources for essentials.

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Stated plainly,

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dependency on foreign sources benefits the few who own the vast majority of

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corporate assets at the expense of the nation’s security.

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Those reaping immense private profits naturally claim their profiteering

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benefits the national interest,

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but the reality is just the opposite - private profiteering has severely

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undermined the nation’s core security,

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which is being able to provide its citizenry the essentials of life without

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being vulnerable to scarcities created by dependence on foreign sources.

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Those profiting from dependence on foreign sources for essentials have the

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means to buy political protection of their racket - the billions of dollars in

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higher profits buy political influence.

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As a result,

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trade that benefits the elite while undermining national security is

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politically sacrosanct.

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What is national security?

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National security is freedom from the vulnerabilities of dependence on other

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nations for essentials.

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Security is not being at the mercy of other nations’ power over supply chains

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and pricing.

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Security is freedom from the dominance of elites whose pursuit of self-interest

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undermine national security.

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Scarcity Has Many Sources.

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Conventional Grand Strategy assumes 1)

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material essentials can be secured in whatever quantities are desired with

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America’s financial might and 2)

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the domestic social order is so enduringly stable that Grand Strategy is free

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to focus on geopolitical maneuvering.

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Both of these assumptions are false.

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Now that America is dependent on other nations for much of its material

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essentials,

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America is profoundly insecure,

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as these nations can cut off exports or raise prices to levels that crush

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American enterprises and households.

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America’s leverage is essentially zero should exporting nations limit exports

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to supply their own rising domestic consumption.

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Should a revolutionary government cut off exports to the U. S. ,

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the options to force a resumption of exports are impractical - short of

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invading and occupying the offending nation—an action with grave risks and

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costs with no historical track record of success—the only option is to seek

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alternative sources which will naturally become much costlier due to the

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reduction in global supply.

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This dependence was a choice driven by the desire to maximize private gains.

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In effect,

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by offshoring supply chains and manufacturing,

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America traded its national security for higher corporate profits,

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the vast majority of which flowed to the elite.

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The assumption that America’s demand for essentials magically creates

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abundant,

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affordable supplies globally is also false.

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As the lowest-cost deposits of oil,

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minerals,

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etc. have been depleted,

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what’s left is much more costly to extract and transport.

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While engineers assure us the technologies of extracting oil,

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minerals,

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etc.,

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have improved so much that costs have fallen,

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these assurances overlook the realities of distance,

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lack of infrastructure and geopolitical risks.

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They also overlook the irreplaceable role of diesel fuel in all these

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extraction technologies.

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Consider an untapped mineral deposit hundreds of kilometers from any roads,

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navigable rivers or blue-water ports,

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for example in Afghanistan or central Africa.

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The entire infrastructure to reach the site must be built and maintained,

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and millions of liters of diesel fuel delivered to power the massive equipment

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needed to extract the resources.

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Then the ore must be transported hundreds of kilometers to a port capable of

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handling this tremendous bulk commodity.

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All this infrastructure exists in the U. S. ,

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but is lacking in much of the world.

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Many untapped deposits are in nations with limited political stability,

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so investors who put up the billions of dollars needed to start production

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might receive an Ak-47 bullet as a dividend.

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Once these costs are included,

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the resources are no longer low-cost,

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if they are accessible at all.

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In other words,

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in an idealized setting,

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high-tech production methods may promise low costs,

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but in the real world,

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costs and the risks of disruption are far higher than rosy idealized

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projections.

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Since U. S. household earnings have stagnated for decades—a reality

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addressed in later chapters—higher costs are unaffordable to American

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consumers.

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Attempting to secure distant resources with military power may be an appealing

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plot for a Hollywood film,

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but the real world is much more difficult to secure and control.

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Having ceded control of supply chains to other nations,

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military power may secure sea lanes but not the goods or the prices of the

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goods transiting those sea lanes.

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Let’s briefly recap a few of the potential sources of scarcity of essentials

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- 1.

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Resources have been depleted globally so there is no longer enough supply to

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meet rising global demand at affordable prices.

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2.

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Exporting nations restrict exports to meet rising domestic demand.

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3.

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The low-hanging fruit has been consumed and remaining deposits are in

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difficult-to-access regions of extreme conditions or political disorder.

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4.

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Exporting nations cut off exports to the U. S. as a form of leverage.

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5.

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Remaining deposits are under the control of geopolitical rivals.

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6.

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There is no longer sufficient diesel fuel to power the global supply chain of

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mining and transport of essential minerals - the limiting factor is not the

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availability of deposits but of the fuel needed to extract and transport ores.

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7.

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Supplies are available but at prices that are unaffordable to American

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households with stagnant purchasing power,

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i.e.,

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the bottom 90%.

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8.

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Having tired of neocolonial exploitation of their national resources,

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revolutionary governments expropriate developed-world resource extraction

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assets and take control of extraction and exports.

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Having traded national security for higher private profits,

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the obvious solution is to develop domestic sources for essentials even if this

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reduces corporate profits.

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The other obvious solution is to reduce consumption so fewer resources are

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needed to maintain citizens’ well-being.

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The second assumption made by conventional Grand Strategy—that the domestic

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order is secure—is also false,

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as the inequality generated by elite dominance has fatally destabilized the

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economic- social-political order.

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What Is Degrowth?

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I refer to Degrowth and the Degrowth state,

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economy and society throughout the book,

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and so a definition is needed at the start. degrowth is the English translation

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of decroissance,

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a French word coined in 1976 to describe a philosophy that has expanded into a

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global movement from 1977 to the present.

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The root meaning is decline,

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which refers to both the economy and the state.

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The core thesis of this book and the degrowth movement is the global economy

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based on permanent expansion of consumption is unsustainable due to planetary

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limits - infinite growth on a finite planet is not possible.

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The problem is the current global economic system is optimized for permanent

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expansion,

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as the consensus holds that without permanent expansion,

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the world will fall into the abyss of depression and the conflicts that arise

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from widespread economic hardship.

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This consensus formed after the Great Depression of the 1930s led to world war.

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What the consensus conveniently ignores is the world has changed in the past 90

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years of fast-rising consumption.

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The human population was much smaller in 1930 and per capita consumption was a

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fraction of current consumption of energy and resources.

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Recoverable resources are no longer abundant,

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and humanity’s vast consumption of hydrocarbons has had planetary

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consequences.

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The degrowth movement holds that this obsession with permanent growth is not

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just unrealistic,

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it is destructive to society,

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as every aspect of everyday life has been oriented to the goal of expanding

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consumption.

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This tyranny of growth has distilled all of human endeavor into measures of

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growth such as Gross Domestic Product (G. D. P. ),

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to the detriment of well-being.

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1)

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The degrowth movement is diverse and includes many different threads,

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but what unifies the degrowth movement is the conviction that we have a choice

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as individuals,

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nations and as a species.

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This book outlines the only sustainable,

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realistic option for nation-states in an era of scarcity - degrowth.

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2)

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The consensus holds out a false choice of replacing our immense consumption of

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hydrocarbons with renewable energy,

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which is not actually renewable,

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as it requires consuming ever-greater amounts of hydrocarbons and resources to

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be built and then replaced every 20 years.

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3)

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The real-world option to degrowth is the unraveling of entire status quo - the

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financial system,

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global supply chains and highly complex states with enormous commitments to

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sustaining ever-higher consumption,

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all of which depend on ever-expanding debt to function.

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The status quo system has no degrowth mechanism - being optimized for growth,

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its only choice is expand or collapse.

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4)

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My analysis of the status quo and degrowth differs from the large body of

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post-growth academic studies in several ways.

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One is that I see the state as inherently unstable due to its systemic

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structure as a tightly bound concentration of power.

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The only path to a sustainable,

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stable state is to transform the American state and economy into a much

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different type of system of decentralized degrowth.

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5)

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Another is that I see any post-growth transformation not as a series of

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top-down policies but as a bottom-up evolution of social values,

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narratives and norms.

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In my view,

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the state and society must co-evolve;

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if one fails to adapt,

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both will fail.

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6)

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A third difference is that I see the restoration of a moral foundation as

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essential to any post-growth progress.

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7)

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The fourth difference is I see the unprecedented inequality in the United

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States as the only possible outcome of the status quo system.

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This inequality,

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inherently corrupting and destabilizing,

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is as much an existential threat to the nation as the end of the waste is

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growth fantasy of endless expansion of consumption.

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8)

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For all these reasons,

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we must understand the existing state and economy as complex systems before we

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can draw the blueprints for a sustainable,

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stable democratic state and economy.

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The Core Purpose Of The State.

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All socio-economic arrangements,

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from hunter-gatherer groups to nation-states,

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arise to perform one function - gather and distribute resources,

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capital and agency in a manner that is deemed by the members to be superior to

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other arrangements.

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As circumstances change,

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organisms and cooperative arrangements must adapt and evolve to survive.

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In human experience,

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this process of adaptation and evolution is called problem-solving.

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Every such arrangement is a problem-solving structure,

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with the core problems facing individuals and cooperative arrangements (groups)

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being scarcity of resources,

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collection and distribution of those resources,

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and agency (i.e.,

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having a say in the distribution,

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a positive social role worthy of a share and opportunities to improve one’s

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share).

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Individuals and groups without enough resources expire.

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Individuals who receive less than others are at risk of withering away,

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and those with no say are at risk of being cut out of the distribution.

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In other words,

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any successful arrangement must improve the odds of both the group and every

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member surviving scarcity,

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and increase the odds of the group emerging stronger.

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The interests of the group and each member overlap but are not identical - the

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group serves the shared interests of members,

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but the group is not merely the sum of members’ interests;

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it is a separate phenomenon with its own dynamics independent of each

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member’s individual interests,

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dynamics which override each individual’s interests.

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Since the group confers advantages that no individual can generate on their

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own—cooperative effort,

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shared resources,

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greater problem-solving capacity,

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a larger pool of mutual aid during illness and want--the group’s survival is

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in the individual’s self-interest.

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Given the choice of abandoning the group to consume an extra portion or

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sacrificing the extra portion as a cost of membership,

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the individual who goes it alone for a short-term gain will lose all the

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long-term advantages of belonging to a group.

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The odds of the solo individual surviving are much lower than the odds of the

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group surviving,

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for the individual has very limited capacity to store up a buffer of surplus

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against hard times,

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and extremely limited defensive capacity because all people must sleep.

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The group as an organized cooperative arrangement has interests far larger than

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the individual members,

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for it must not just concern itself with gathering and distributing resources,

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maintaining a defensive capacity,

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etc.

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It must also maintain group cohesion lest the individuals cease to cooperate

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and the group dissolves.

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To accomplish cohesion,

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the group must enable each member’s agency (having a say in shared decisions)

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while maintaining some form of decision-making process that resolves conflicts

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and organizes cooperative efforts.

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This structure must generate shared purpose and shared goals,

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since individuals who each pursue their own ideas of hunting game,

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farming,

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etc. cannot equal the productivity of individuals acting cooperatively.

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Once the group settles on mutually beneficial goals,

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implementing the cooperative effort without wasting precious time and effort on

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endless squabbling requires some mutually agreed upon leadership and compliance

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- someone is chosen to lead the cooperative effort to the benefit to every

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member,

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and each member agrees to comply with the group’s decision and the leadership

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as the necessary cost to gain the benefits of cooperation.

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Existential Crises.

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Everyone naturally wants an arrangement that suits their personal desires,

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but the only way to control such an arrangement is to be alone,

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and the selective pressure on solo individuals is so intense that the vast

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majority of those individuals opting for the complete control of going solo

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perish and are eliminated from the gene pool.

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This selective process favors individuals who are willing to pay the price of

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cooperation (i.e.,

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ceding control of one’s efforts)

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in exchange for the tremendous survival advantages offered by cooperation.

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This is the inescapable tension of human existence - we each want control of

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our own lives,

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but since going solo offers little selective advantage in problem-solving

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scarcity,

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our self-interest is best served by cooperative arrangements which require

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sacrificing some measure of agency in exchange for the benefits of cooperation.

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Balancing The Inherent Tension Is Key.

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There is no perfect solution to this tension;

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the core dynamics of cooperation--consensus,

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leadership and compliance--are all contingent and in constant motion as

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circumstances change.

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There are no impartial participants in cooperative arrangements,

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and so tensions are inherent.

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There is also inescapable tension between the group’s interests and the

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self-interest of members,

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as the members expect the group to improve their personal circumstances.

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If the group demands sacrifices,

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each member complies,

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but if their personal circumstances don’t improve,

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their loyalty to the group’s leadership and their willingness to sacrifice

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decays.

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The balance between costs and benefits is contingent on many factors,

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including the perceived risks of leaving the group and the benefits gained by

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finding another arrangement that demands more acceptable sacrifices.

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The tension between self-interest and the group’s interests manifests as a

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spectrum,

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anchored on one end by the free-rider problem created when an individual finds

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a way to collect the benefits of membership but no longer makes any sacrifices

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on behalf of the group.

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If enough individuals become free-riders,

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the group no longer has the workforce needed to gather resources,

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and so the group fails as a solution to scarcity.

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At the other end of the spectrum,

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the group demands the complete surrender of agency and consensus as the price

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of membership,

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and group cohesion is enforced by coercion rather than the social pressure of

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compliance.

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This increases the benefits of escaping the group’s authority or making the

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minimal acceptable effort (“we pretend to work and they pretend to pay us”).

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Coercion has direct costs (force is far from free)

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and indirect costs,

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as once the workforce views the group as a high-sacrifice and low-benefit

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arrangement,

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the incentives to opt out increase.

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This erosion of cooperative effort weakens the group as a solution to scarcity.

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In other words,

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the group can only maintain cohesion and remain a solution to scarcity if it

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offers enough benefits to individuals in return for the sacrifices required.

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Once individuals conclude their self-interest is better served by abandoning

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the group or free-riding,

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the group’s ability to problem-solve scarcity dissolves.

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Another innate source of tension arises from factions jockeying for a larger

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share of the group’s resources.

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The faction members’ self-interests are served by wrangle a larger share for

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the faction,

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and so factions form alliances to divert resources from the group.

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This siphoning of resources at the expense of other members subverts the group

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in two ways - it reduces the shares of members outside the faction,

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weakening their loyalty,

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and it encourages other factions to form and compete for the spoils.

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This infighting diverts effort that once served common interests to

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unproductive intrigues which favor deception,

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bribes,

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etc.,

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all of which corrode trust in the group’s core functions,

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problem-solving scarcity and serving the shared interests of all members.

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Tension between leadership and membership is also inescapable,

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as the authority granted leaders comes with built-in temptations to serve the

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interests of the leadership above those of the group by taking a larger share

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of resources and using their authority to suppress efforts to limit their

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self-aggrandizement.

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As we shall explore in subsequent chapters,

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the temptations to take an outsized share of resources and suppress dissent

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systemically cripple the group’s problem-solving capacity.

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By siphoning off resources to their sole benefit at the expense of the group,

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the elite undermines one of the group’s core selective advantages,

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which is maintaining cohesion by serving the shared interests of all members.

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In suppressing transparency,

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competition,

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accountability,

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feedback and dissent as threats to the elite’s own interests,

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the elite cripples the mechanisms of problem-solving,

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the group’s second selective advantage.

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In placing their own interests ahead of the group’s,

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the elites disable the selective advantages of the group,

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effectively sealing its failure.

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By monopolizing the group’s surplus resources,

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the elite builds a buffer against the consequences of its self-service.

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This buffer allows the elite to remain complacent as the group unravels,

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confident that their control—so far undiminished--is impervious to

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consequences.

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The very success of the group in storing surpluses for the elite to monopolize

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feeds the illusion that the system can easily sustain the elite’s pillage and

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suppression of corrective problem-solving.

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The elite’s complacent confidence and suppression of dissent reinforces an

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unfounded faith that past solutions will resolve current crises.

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This confidence leads to catastrophically poor decision-making when applying

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past solutions deepen the crisis.

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The selective pressures on the leadership change as the focus shifts from

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serving the group’s shared interests to serving the interests of the elite.

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When serving the group was the primary selective pressure,

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successful leadership required a focus on maintaining cohesion via consensus

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and limiting the resources allotted to any special interest.

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This required a moral foundation of civic virtue that rewarded the leadership

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for putting self-interest and factional interests below those of the group.

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But if the leadership fails to solve the problems of scarcity for all members,

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the leadership is either replaced or the group unravels,

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for just as there are selective pressures on individuals,

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leaders and species,

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there are selective pressures on cooperative arrangements.

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Those which solve the problems of scarcity,

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distribution and cooperation in ways that serve the shared interests of the

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members will have consequential advantages over individuals without a

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cooperative arrangement and groups weakened by internal conflicts and poor

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problem-solving mechanisms.

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Groups that emerge with higher levels of cohesion,

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leadership and adaptability are better prepared to face future crises,

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while the groups that are weakened will collapse in the next crisis.

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These selective dynamics are scale-invariant - they apply to the entire

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spectrum of cooperative organizations from hunter-gatherer groups to tribes to

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empires.

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Just as groups that fail to solve the problems of scarcity,

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distribution and cooperation dissolve,

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so too do empires.

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These dynamics also apply to all ideologies and forms of governance;

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they apply equally to feudal,

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theocratic,

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socialist and capitalist arrangements.

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Any of these ideological constructs can succeed or fail in solving the core

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problems of scarcity,

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cohesion and cooperation.

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It is not the ideology or form of governance that is successful or

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unsuccessful;

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it is the arrangement’s dynamic balancing of the inherent tensions described

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above to maintain a fair distribution of resources and sacrifices that is

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successful or unsuccessful.

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The Importance Of Cooperation.

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In terms of species-level selective pressure,

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humanity’s core selective advantage as a species is cooperation,

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which requires communication,

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coordinating group activities,

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and the sharing of decision-making,

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risks and resources.

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These cooperative tools generate problem-solving advantages no individual can

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match.

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The advantages of belonging to a group are so great that humans developed

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innate abilities to optimize cooperation - the ability to learn languages,

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interpret facial expressions and body language,

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formulate abstract ideas,

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plan actions,

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etc.

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But the wide variety of individual skills and characteristics are also a

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selective advantage,

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as innovations and skills developed by an individual can be shared with others,

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enhancing the survival prospects of the entire group.

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The Importance Of Agency.

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As noted previously,

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each individual has an innate drive for agency.

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Agency is not merely the pursuit of individual self-interest;

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it includes serving one’s interests via membership in a successful

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cooperative arrangement.

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The group that generates the highest individual commitments to shared purpose,

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willingness to sacrifice,

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esprit de corps,

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innovation,

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effort and leadership in its members has much better odds of providing each

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member with resources than a group with lackluster levels of loyalty and effort.

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As social primates,

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humans have an innate template for hierarchical organization in which a few

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individuals are granted authority in exchange for the superiority of their

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leadership,

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a tradeoff which benefits all members.

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While the recent history of totalitarian regimes has led many to focus on the

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potential for a Strong Leader to grab power via intimidation and violence,

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as a general rule leadership is granted to those who the group members feel

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will best serve their own interests via belonging to a successful group.

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Humans are willing to accept a disproportionate distribution of resources in

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exchange for leadership that benefits all members.

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This manifests in many different ways,

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from the leader sharing private wealth in communal feasts to the authority of

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pirate captains being contingent on the crew’s assessment of which individual

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is best prepared to lead the ship to success.

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In modern societies,

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corporate heads are granted extraordinary wealth in return for generating

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wealth for shareholders and employees with stock options.

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The Importance Of Conflict Resolution And Fairness.

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All the tensions inherent in cooperation require constant resolution.

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Conflicts that cannot be resolved threaten group cohesion,

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a loss of cooperation that reduces the odds of each individual’s survival.

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The human capacity to find resolutions that preserve the advantages of both

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belonging to a group and maintaining individual agency is also a core selective

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advantage.

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A key element in this human capacity for problem-solving via conflict

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resolution is humanity’s innate sensitivity to fairness - if the process

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excludes some members,

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this is immediately understood by all as being unfair,

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for each member is expected to devote equal effort and make the same sacrifices

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on behalf of the group.

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If one set of members is denied agency in the group’s decisions,

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this severs the bonds of shared purpose and sacrifice and destabilizes the

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entire construct of cooperation - why should I work as hard and make the same

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sacrifices on behalf of the group as everyone else but be denied a say in the

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group’s decisions—decisions that directly impact my interests?

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Human sensitivity to unfairness is broad-spectrum and includes the free-rider

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problem (physically able members shirking their duties but taking their full

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share of the group’s efforts),

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collusion (a small group conspires to monopolize group assets for their private

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gain—what we call monopolies and cartels)

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and deception (leaders making baseless claims to support their authority,

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etc.).

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Fairness boils down to the balance of effort and sacrifice made on behalf of

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the group’s shared interests and the resources and agency provided to each

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member.

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If the efforts and sacrifices made are equal to those of other members but the

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resources and agency provided are a sliver of what was granted to other

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members,

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this unfairness undermines the stability of the core asset of the group -

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cooperation.

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A leader who makes extraordinary sacrifices on behalf of the group’s shared

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interests but who receives nothing more than those who contributed as little as

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possible is also alive to the profoundly unfair asymmetry of effort and reward.

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If a faction enforces an unfair distribution of resources on the rest of the

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group,

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the stability of the arrangement is at risk,

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for humans will only tolerate unfairness for so long.

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If a tyrannical leader gains enough power to siphon off the group’s efforts,

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the tyrant may be found one morning with a slit throat,

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or will awaken to an empty village as the exploited have deserted.

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This decision to support or abandon the leadership (and ultimately,

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the group itself)

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is the consent of the governed.

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If consent is granted,

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then members are expected to make equal efforts on the group’s behalf.

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If consent is withdrawn,

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the group’s collection of resources falter and there is less available for

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the membership.

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This generates a feedback loop of fewer benefits for the remaining membership,

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which reduces participation,

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loyalty and consent,

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which further reduces the benefits of membership.

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When consent is withdrawn,

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if no new leadership arrangement can be reached,

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then the group dissolves and individuals seek out or organize some other

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arrangement.

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The core mechanics of resolving differing ideas about how best to proceed are

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rooted in the structure of cooperation - communal decision-making is a

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transparent (i.e.,

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public)

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competition of proposals in which those claiming authority are held accountable

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for the success or failure of their decisions.

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This process is well-served by a wide variety of opinions (what we call

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variability)

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and feedback generated by experimentation and monitoring results.

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Dissent serves the interest of the group by reducing the potential for

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disastrously poor decisions gaining passive consensus.

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These mechanics generate dynamic stability (also known as dynamic equilibrium)

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as this (quite often messy and contentious)

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process of resolution leverages the group’s coherence of shared purpose,

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sacrifice and resolve to adapt to changing circumstances.

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If the process is open and fair,

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dissenters will either consent to the judgement of the group or leave to seek

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another arrangement.

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There is an inherent tension in every structure that distributes resources in

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scarcity crises - each individual wants a full measure today and the security

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of a full measure tomorrow,

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while the group must maintain its own coherence to serve the shared interests

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of the membership.

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If the group fails to maintain its organizational integrity,

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it splinters into competing factions that pursue self-interest at the expense

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of the group’s problem-solving structure (i.e.,

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it loses coherence and unravels).

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If one faction gains the upper hand and takes a larger share at the expense of

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the group,

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the value of the arrangement to everyone outside that faction erodes.

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The group unravels because it is no longer serving the shared interests of all

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members.

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The irony of this intrinsic tension between self-interest and the maintaining

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the coherence of the group is that once an elite control the distribution of

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resources to benefit themselves at the expense of other members,

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the group unravels and no longer provides resources for the elite to plunder.

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The elites’ dominance is always relatively short-lived because their

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dominance destroys the group’s ability to solve problems,

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for by taking control of the distribution of resources,

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the elite cripples the mechanisms of dynamic stability that enable the group to

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maintain coherence.

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The elite’s maximization of self-interest—grabbing more than their fair

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share of resources and transferring all the sacrifices onto

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others—destabilizes the group and the elite end up with much less than they

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would have had if they’d shared the sacrifices needed to weather the crisis

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of scarcity.

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Their greed (i.e.,

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maximizing their private gains),

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though successful when resources are abundant,

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is ultimately self-destructive.

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The second irony is that elites that are limited in how much they can grab of

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the group’s resources actually fare better than elites that gain control of

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the group’s distribution of resources.

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The elite that grabs power unravels the group which is the source of its wealth.

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The elite with limited power retains its wealth because the group’s

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problem-solving stability is conserved by the group’s limits on elites.

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Scarcity is a crisis few groups survive,

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since the inherent tensions between individual members’ self-interest and the

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group’s own interests rise once abundance transitions into scarcity.

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The key to surviving the shrinking of the pie of resources is shared sacrifice,

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an essential element in the cooperative glue of any group,

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which I break down into the constituent dynamics of social cohesion,

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moral legitimacy and civic virtue.

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I’ll discuss these in depth in subsequent chapters.

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When the pie of resources is expanding,

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as long as each member is receiving more than they did in the past (i.e.,

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absolute gains),

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the calculation of fairness becomes relative to the improvements in others’

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shares - did someone else receive a larger,

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undeserved share?

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The core issue in distributing group resources is how much extra is given to

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the leaders for their service to the group.

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The calculation of how much each member has gained under their leadership in

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return for the leaders’ larger share is the key to group cohesion or disunion.

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If the leaders’ share increases while the members’ shares stagnate,

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the leaders’ share is perceived as unfair because they didn’t earn the

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larger share by improving the lot of the membership.

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If the leadership expands the group’s pie of resources,

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then their share will expand.

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If the leadership takes a larger share without expanding the pie,

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then their larger share is correctly perceived as coming at the expense of

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other members.

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Since the group’s cohesion as a problem-solving arrangement depends on the

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group serving the shared interests of the members,

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a leadership that takes a larger share at the expense of other members severely

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undermines trust in the group’s ability to serve shared interests rather than

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the interests of an elite leadership.

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This innate tension between the shares granted to leaders and the members’

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shares increase during times of scarcity,

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as the leaders will naturally be tempted to use their authority to keep their

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share unchanged while the resources distributed to members decline sharply.

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To those seeing their share shrink,

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the leaders haven’t performed well enough to deserve a larger share of the

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shrinking pie,

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and so the cooperative glue of the group weakens.

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Why should I sacrifice when the leaders who have failed to provide for the

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group sacrifice nothing?

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The interest of the group is to maintain the cohesion of cooperation,

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the source of the group’s selective advantages.

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Cooperation in times of scarcity requires not just shared work but shared

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sacrifice.

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Members make the sacrifices because they feel the group serves their interests

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more successfully than striking out on their own.

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Leaders are granted a larger share in return for placing the group’s

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interests above their own.

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In scarcity crises,

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the innate tension between their own interests and the interests of the group

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is magnified.

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The limiting mechanism on leader exploitation of authority is the consent of

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the governed,

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which can be withdrawn.

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Enlightened leaders who understand this critical role of shared sacrifice in

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eras of scarcity will make larger sacrifices than other members.

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This is in recognition that the sacrifice of individual gain on behalf of the

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group strengthens the group’s loyalty to the leader and the group’s odds of

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success - the less taken by leaders,

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the greater the resources left to distribute to members.

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A critical factor in successful leadership is this ability to look beyond

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immediate personal gain and recognize that the leader’s interests are best

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served by strengthening the group,

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which is the foundation of the leader’s own security.

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Weakening the group for short-term gain works against the long-term interests

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of the leader.

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But too often,

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given this innate tension between short-term and long-term gain,

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leaders give in to the temptation to sacrifice shared interests to serve their

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own interests.

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They might do so by promising supporters a larger share in the future,

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or by silencing or punishing those who resist the leader’s power grab.

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Each of these strategies further weakens members’ trust,

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loyalty and willingness to sacrifice on behalf of the group—the key elements

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of group cohesion.

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The diversion of scarce resources into heavy-handed enforcement (costly in

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terms of resources required)

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further reduces the resources distributed to members.

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The second key dynamic in crises of scarcity (the first being the size of the

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leaders’ share)

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is the group’s ability to correct the excesses of leaders who place their own

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interests above those of the group.

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If the leaders expand their share beyond what the group can sustain,

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the group will collapse unless it has mechanisms to limit or replace the greedy

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leadership.

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The group’s success as a problem-solving arrangement that serves the shared

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interests of all members is thus dependent on its ability to limit the share of

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resources taken by elites and its ability to limit the authority of leaders to

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force members to sacrifice their own interests not for the group but for the

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private interests of an elite.

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To Summarize Our Exploration So Far -

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Cooperation is humanity’s core evolutionary advantage.

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This requires being a member of a group that solves the problems of scarcity,

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distribution and cooperation in ways that serve the shared interests of the

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members.

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Human variability grants some individuals superior leadership abilities and the

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ambition to seek authority.

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In exchange for applying their abilities to serve the group’s shared

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interests,

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the leadership is granted a larger share of the group’s resources.

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This authority and a larger share of resources is granted by the consent of the

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governed,

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which can be withdrawn if the leadership fails to serve the shared interests of

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the group.

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As circumstances change,

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different opinions about the best solutions arise and conflicts must be

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resolved.

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This process of resolution and problem-solving requires the mechanisms of

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adaptability and dynamic stability - open competition of proposed solutions,

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transparent decision-making,

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accountability of the leadership,

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corrective feedback,

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and the variability of dissent and experimentation.

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The group’s structure and culture (what I term the social ontology,

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which I will explore in following chapters)

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must place limits on the temptation of the leadership elite to use its

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authority to pursue its self-interest at the expense of the group.

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If an elite gains control of the distribution of the group’s resources,

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the temptation to expand the elite’s share results in the elite’s outsized

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share exceeding what the group’s resources can sustain.

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The temptation to suppress opposition results in the destruction of the

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mechanisms required for successful adaptation (i.e.,

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problem-solving)

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and dynamic stability - competition,

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transparency,

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accountability,

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feedback and dissent (i.e.,

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variability).

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Once these mechanisms have been disabled,

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the group can no longer limit the elite’s parasitic excesses or solve

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problems cooperatively.

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The core selective advantages of the group have been lost.

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Since the elite’s expanding share comes at the expense of the group’s

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shared resources,

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this is rightly perceived as unfair,

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for it transfers sacrifice and risk to the members.

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The elite’s unsustainable share of resources and its suppression of dissent

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bleed the group of resources and adaptive capacity.

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These dynamics are magnified in crises of scarcity in which the group’s pie

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of resources shrinks.

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As the elite enforces its outsized share and doubles-down on its suppression of

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dissent,

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the advantages of belonging to the group disappear along with trust in the

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leadership.

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Rather than continue making sacrifices to benefit the elite,

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members cease contributing or abandon the group,

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which then collapses under the crushing weight of a parasitic,

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exploitive,

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oppressive elite.

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Rather than serve as an integral part of the cooperative arrangement’s

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problem-solving,

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the elite’s dominance has become a systemic problem which neither the group

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nor the elite can resolve.

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The only possible outcome is collapse of the arrangement.

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Note that these dynamics are scale-invariant - they function in small

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hunter-gatherer groups,

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tribes,

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city-states,

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nation-states and empires.

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As noted earlier,

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they are also ideologically invariant - they operate in every ideological

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flavor of state organization and every form of government.

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States Need Resource Surpluses To Succeed.

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We cannot understand the nation-state as a problem-solving structure until we

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grasp that all such formal arrangements are luxuries funded by surpluses of

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resources - the essentials of food,

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energy and fresh water (what I call the Few resources due to their recurring

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scarcity)

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as well as minerals,

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building materials and other tangibles of civilization drawn from natural

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capital,

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i.e.,

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the planet's reserves of natural resources.

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As the scale of surpluses increases,

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the size and complexity of the formal arrangement increases accordingly.

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When resources are meager and intermittent,

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the group’s surplus cannot support even a single leader who no longer has to

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work gathering food.

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As surpluses expand,

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specialized leadership can arise to oversee the collection and distribution of

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surpluses.

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As humans require a minimum of the Few resources to survive,

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every socio-economic arrangement,

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from tribes to empires,

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arises as a problem-solving structure to the challenge of how to gather enough

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resources and distribute them to sustain the populace and blunt recurring

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scarcities.

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Arrangements that fail this challenge dissolve and are replaced by a new

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arrangement which realigns distribution with (a)

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what resources can be sustainably gathered and reliably stored,

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and (b)

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humanity’s innate desire for fairness and agency - control of one's choices,

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a voice in the public sphere and an economic stake in the system.

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The nation-state—referred to here as the state—is one such arrangement,

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a problem-solving organizational solution.

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The centralized hierarchy of the state arose and has endured because it has

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been an adaptable and effective solution to the problem of managing the

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collection and distribution of resources,

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capital and agency.

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But there is nothing pre-ordained about the future success of the state as a

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problem-solving structure.

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Human history is an adjunct of natural selection,

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and evolution is not teleological - evolution does not follow a pre-ordained

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path to a goal.

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Rather,

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natural selection is contingent on semi-random mutations (i.e.,

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variations)

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arising and being selected as advantageous in the present conditions.

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Grand Strategy presumes the state is an eternal structure,

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but it only exists as long as it is the best available solution.

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Once the state itself becomes the problem,

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natural selection will replace it with more effective,

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adaptable variants.

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This has been

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Global Crisis,

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National Renewal:

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A (Revolutionary) Grand Strategy for the United States By Charles Hugh Smith, narrated by russell newton.

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