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Ep 355 - Dialectics of Dominance with Aaron Good
Episode 35522nd November 2025 • Macro N Cheese • Steven D Grumbine
00:00:00 01:06:33

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“We’re at an inflection point – a civilizational crisis. Western imperial dominance is ending, and its dying spasms are only accelerating the collapse.” Aaron Good 

Aaron Good, author of American Exception: Empire and the Deep State, is back to talk with Steve about the crisis of the US-led imperial order and the manufactured “common sense” that keeps people trapped inside a rigged system. 

Centuries of Western imperial dominance are unraveling, and the US responds with flailing, genocidal actions in Gaza and Ukraine. These aren't signs of strength; they're the death rattles of a corpse that doesn't know it's dead yet. 

“Realizing you’re not voting your way out of it might be the most terrifying ‘aha moment’ of them all.” Steve Grumbine 

At home the two major US parties are presented as alternatives, the ballot is a participation trophy in the “managed spectacle” of elections. Obama? Trump? Biden? Different brands, same oligarchy. Corporate media and algorithmic “alternative media” work together to keep people confused, divided, and clinging to the fantasy that if they just vote harder, donate more, and binge the right “left” YouTubers, they can reform a system designed to crush them. The empire’s to-do list (crush dissent, steal resources) remains the same. 

What are we to do? Maybe we can't break the system yet, but we can stop being dupes. See the Matrix. 

Aaron Good holds a doctorate in political science from Temple University. He is the author of American Exception: Empire and the Deep State. He is the host of American Exception podcast https://americanexception.com/podcast/ 

Follow Aaron’s work at americanexception.substack.com/  

@Aaron_Good_ on X

Transcripts

Speaker:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

All right, folks, this is Steve with Macro N Cheese. And you know, I

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have talked a lot, you think about the last several episodes. We've really dialed

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our focus on kind of how does common sense come to be and the

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rugged individualism that has been turned into the cultural norm by the ruling elite.

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And we've looked at the concept of libertarianism and liberalism and the self-made man

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and the whole apparatus that makes us selfish, zero-sum thinking and hating our neighbors

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and all the other machinations that have been used and leveraged against collective power,

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against collective strength, atomizing us to like little teeny consumption units that are  jerked

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around by the latest headline and jerked around by the latest oligarch whims. A

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lot of people just can't seem to wrap their head around that because it's

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scary. Once you go there, you have to answer a whole bunch of other

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questions. The dominoes don't just stop there, the dominoes keep falling. And as you

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continue to follow the path, it gets scarier and scarier because realizing you're not

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voting your way out of it might be the most terrifying "aha moment" of

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them all. Because then you're left standing there looking in the mirror saying, "now

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what?" And "now what?" is terrifying, right? It's absolutely terrifying because your whole life

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you grew up believing that it was simply, you're going to go. You're going

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to head to the polling booth. You're going to put an "I voted sticker"

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on your forehead. And good things were going to happen. And what we're watching

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now is something quite terrifying. It's even more terrifying if you understand hegemony and

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you understand how vital oligarchy is in terms of addressing and shaping cultures and

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the way that we view ourselves and view each other. So to discuss this

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phenomenon with me today, I brought on the author of the American Exception, Aaron

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Good, who is just a brilliant guy who's done lots and lots of great

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historical work on JFK, but he's also done a lot of work in this

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space as well. And that's why we're bringing Aaron on, to add to the

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conversation, but to give a new perspective and a new flavor and some of

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his recent work and updated work plays right into this. So without further ado,

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let me bring on my guest, Aaron Good. Welcome to the show, sir.

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AARON GOOD:

Hey, thanks for having me.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

Yeah, so you heard the intro there. Why don't we get started with, I guess, I

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don't know, a rebuttal, response or whatever, but then we can get into the meat and

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potatoes of the current situation. There's so many of them. I just will say situation to

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kind of be a catch-all for this kind of weird timeline we're living in. But if

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you wouldn't mind, go ahead and address the intro and we'll get started.

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AARON GOOD:

Well, we are certainly at an inflection point and something that I think should

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be called a civilizational crisis, an existential crisis for the prevailing order, as it

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stands, because centuries of Western imperial dominance over the rest of the world are

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coming to a close, this does not seem to be irreversible. And in typically

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dialectic fashion, as is often the case, probably invariably the case with dying empires,

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the actions of the empire in terminal decline are only exacerbating and accelerating its

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demise. And, you know, the Ukraine war, the Gaza genocide, the potential attack on

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Venezuela, these are all symptoms of this. And seeing the continuity of policies now

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should make it very clear that the electoral process is a managed spectacle. If

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you consider that people want to blame Trump as this unique aberration, you know,

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and if only the Democrats were in there. Well, it was Obama who signed

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this ridiculous order. I mean, of course, the US tried to overthrow Chavez in

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Venezuela in:

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Maduro had said. And honestly, when you look at the West and the way

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it has all these sophisticated ways of killing people, I think he was likely

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given some sort of cancer bioweapon. That's what Maduro thought. And I mean, it

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just seems pretty likely to me. But under Obama, he declared a state of

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emergency regarding Venezuela to justify whatever covert actions or policies or sanctions against Venezuela.

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And it's clear that there's no threat represented by Venezuela. Venezuela is not the

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vanguard of a revolution that's going to take over the United States. This is

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all about the hegemony of Western capitalism over the resources of Latin America and

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the Global South, of course, in general, but especially Latin America. And it's so

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obvious whether it's Obama, whether Trump. The only difference is in, you know, the

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tone, the style, and then maybe how far they're willing to go to pursue

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imperialist ends there. And if you look at Biden vs Trump in Ukraine and

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Gaza. I mean, there aren't big fundamental differences in the policy, despite what they

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say. I mean, what Trump said about "heat" in the war today, it was

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obviously not true. And you know, the Gaza genocide was aided and the US

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was a co-conspirator under two regimes to genocidal crimes in Palestine. And if you

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go back, of course the genocide didn't really begin following October 7th. It's of

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course been ongoing since the '40s. So it's just the West cannot really withstand

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any honest scrutiny and it's causing a crisis among the elite. It's a frightening

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spectacle. And it's also hopeful in a sense because the US empire, Western imperialism,

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the rule of white supremacy, as a political project, we could think of it

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as this has to end for humanity to advance and it's hard to imagine

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a way that it would end without any turmoil. So we're going through something

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that is necessary one way or the other, and we have to hope it

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doesn't kill us all.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

That's brilliantly stated. I'm curious though. You know, we're sitting here talking and I don't

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consider myself to be exceptional. I like to think I'm a decent dude and I

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try really hard. But there's nothing exceptional about me necessarily. And I won't speak for

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you, but my point is we're sitting here talking and we're talking about how this

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timeline is playing out in the worst possible fashion. But you rightfully point out how

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this was not a partisan thing. This is an oligarch thing. This has been going

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on for probably since the dawn of this nation as a colonial project. But looking

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at the current setup, you've got media manufacturing consent for each move, you've got a

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whole host of players within, you know, the theater that this is playing their role.

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And it's all to get us to either do something or believe something or say

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something.  And I consider the election season part of that. I consider the campaigning part

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of that. But I look at Fox News, which is the easy whipping boy because

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it is just so atrocious. You listen to the way people that listen to that

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come out. They come out with a very interesting worldview, a very much a makers

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and takers hating the poor. They just assume everyone is a moocher, a taker, a

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thief. "You're stealing my hard-earned tax dollars" and on and on and on.   And then

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on top of it, each of these manufactured wars, I mean, you've got the same

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people coming out going, "We gotta get rid of the fentanyl crisis. That's why Trump

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is gonna blow Venezuela to pieces."  And, you know, on and on and on while

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simultaneously accepting that the US is broke, while watching Trump give $20 billion to Argentina. 

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Every one of these dialectical, like the contradictions are so unbelievably loud. Yet when we

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watch the folks that listen to these various programs, and I don't want to spare

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MSNBC, CNN and all the other not so alternate media, they're the mainstream vocal messaging

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arm of these oligarchies. The Larry Ellisons of the world owning TikTok and on and

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on and on. And it's just across the board, the oligarchs control the messaging.   What

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is it about us as a people that makes it so that we refuse, or

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maybe not refuse, we don't even realize we're being lied to? Or if we do

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realize we're being lied to, then we end up suckling into the convenient lie. I

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mean, is that just human nature or is this the plan? Is this what they

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already know at the top? This is why they do it. So they do it.

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That's why invest so much into it.

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AARON GOOD:

There is not a monolithic face to this regime. The political and cultural schisms are

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engineered and massaged in different ways and changed over time. So you can't speak of

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the US prevailing order as something that just indoctrinates people with the perspective, you know,

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the point of view, the capital T, truth. They seem to have given up on

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that at some point in the Cold War, and especially I'd say following Watergate and the

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end of Bretton Woods, although it has its roots even earlier than that. But a

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more of a cult of individualism prevailed in different ways that manifests itself in different

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ways in different sectors of society. So you do have this kind of libertarian-minded American

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right wing that really believes in property above all and is suspicious of the government.

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And in recent years, I think that they have become manipulated in kind of a

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certain way and algorithmically managed to have an even bigger footprint in society. Because I

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think there's some recognition that the narratives of the prevailing order are not plausible. And

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so you need some people to address these narratives and have some way of speaking

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to them, to things like the JFK assassination. I mean, it's the wildest thing to

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see libertarians and others talk about the JFK assassination when it was a crime of

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a propertied regime of capitalist oligarchs. And so we're hearing people talk about oligarchs who

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are like libertarians. It's ridiculous. Because every oligarchy is a function of the political economy

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that sustains that civilization, that prevails in that civilization. So if you're saying they're oligarchs,

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if you're saying, "Oh, we gotta unite against oligarchy" it's like, well, how are you

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going to do that when you basically have no problem with the system that invariably

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generates oligarchy and has never not generated oligarchy? And this is, I think, sort of

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by design. It's a kind of cultural social engineering boosting on Internet algorithms. The conspiracism

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of the right is now sort of useful because it's pro-capitalist. So whatever you believe,

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if ultimately you think that property is sacrosanct and that the whatever property one acquires

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under the system is unquestionable and totally legitimate, then you really have no way of

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combating this oligarchy. Because they're the oligarchy because they have all of the money and

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they own everything. And so they get to control the algorithms. They get to control

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the universities. They get to control the media. They get to control the political system

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because it's all animated by money. And so if you are someone who you say

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you don't like the system, or you have a problem with these bastards that are

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running it, but you have an almost religious devotion to the system that cannot but

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be dominated by moneyed oligarchs, then this is politically, essentially an inert kind of formation.

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And that's one thing that we've been going through lately. We have a Left which

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sort of denies a lot of the state criminality, especially the clandestine kind, or, you

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know, is misdirected in different ways. And then a sort of populist Right that is

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also misled about the nature of the system as a whole, and they're sort of

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socially manipulated through essentially psychological operations that we just call mass media, even alternative media

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now, the alternative media that gets boosted by YouTube, et cetera, and every other, you

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know, internet platform. This is a very weird time with an enormous amount of social

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engineering and technocratic manipulation management. I mean, it's like MK Ultra, you know, of course,

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that it's very unlikely that they would just suspend all sorts of research and things

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in this direction. But it's as if it got more and more applied on sort

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of a mass society level in order to politically neutralize the West. And as a

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result, I think that the political sense of the West is so fragmented and atomized

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and stupefied that the moment that we're living through in the collapse of this global

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system or the Western dominance of it is something that we are just spectators at,

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if we're either learned, wise, judicious spectators of it, or we're misled in one way

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or another. And of course, you know, who gets to determine who's correct on these

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issues. But as much as it sucks, I believe, because there's no money in institutional

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support or marketplace of ideas where these things can actually be discussed and adjudicated without

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the people with money putting their weight on the scales. We are totally unable to

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respond and are just spectators to this.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

You know, I've been saying for probably five years, and mind you, I admit

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man, I'm a late bloomer to a lot of this stuff. And I think

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a lot of people are either late bloomers or just now beginning to open

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their eyes a little bit maybe.  I've been talking for a long time that

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we need to kind of look at some of the other resistance movements like

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the Young Lords or Fred Hampton and the Black Panthers and others who understood

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that you had to educate the people, but you had to build dual power.

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You had to have parallel systems in place to support people so that they

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could resist. Because otherwise you're leaving people as prey to a system meant to

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devour them, meant to manufacture a certain kind of consent and condemn and destroy

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those who don't fall into that neat little bucket, if you will, that mold.

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And let's just stay in America, the US in particular, for this moment. How

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would you assess the US's ability to see beyond the electoral system, to function

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outside of, to create even a mental vanguard that. Let me step back, I

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think about, like the Underground Railroad as an example of the kind of times

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we're in right now. If we were being honest, we'd be looking at the

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Underground Railroad as dual power, as actual direct action, as taking kind of action

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towards the system as it is. I feel like in America, people are so

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adept at falling into hero worship. The latest thing with Mamdani and New York

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City as a mayoral candidate, et cetera. I mean, there's so many reasons to

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say, "Yes. Oh, I'm so excited." But having a sober perspective of oligarchy and

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a sober perspective of power within a capitalist system, and power based on history

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and understanding that they're not giving anything away. I mean, if you could vote

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it away, they would have already made it illegal. What are your thoughts on

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the American citizens ability to resist, the ability to fight back, and the willingness

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to see beyond the electoral system?

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AARON GOOD:

Well, you know, I think if you start talking about the Young Lords and

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the Black Panthers, these are communities that were so marginalized and exploited and oppressed

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that there was an element within them that could be brought to basically a

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revolutionary state. That's really a minority of the population in the United States. You

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know, if you look at political science, there's a lot of useless quantitatively-based garbage

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that presupposes the rule of law and transparency and democracy prevailing when we all

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know that's not the case. And so it ends up being very silly and

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irrelevant. Apolitical pseudoscience is really the way you could describe a lot of political

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science. But there are some useful works in political science that are kind of

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commonsensical in a way. And the relevant one here is Theda Skocpol's book on

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revolutions, on social revolutions. Right? She points out that in modern civilizations or in

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modern times, the only real social revolutions were in China, Russia and France, the

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French Revolution. So the American Revolution is not a revolution. And anti-colonial revolutions are

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something different. They aren't a society overthrowing its own, you know, oligarchy or own

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regime and then replacing it with one totally opposite. Right? The only times that

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these have happened were in France, Russia, and China. And these were cases where

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the state essentially lost its capacity to maintain its rule, that the people were

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subjected to so many hardships and difficulties, and that this coincided with a collapse

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of state power that was brought on by foreign wars, essentially, you know, world

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war. In the Chinese case, it was the decades of the Japanese, you know,

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incursions into Manchuria, et cetera, coming after things like the Opium wars, the Boxer

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Rebellion, the Sino Japanese War. I mean, that they had been put through hell

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nd decades, going back to the:

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imperialism and then by the Japanese copycats of Western imperialism. And so this was

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a state of misery that they had to achieve, at which point being a

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revolutionary becomes kind of existential. So for Americans, there are very few people for

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whom, I mean, there's almost zero people for whom a revolutionary action is existential

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for them. And so this is a sobering realization that you're just not going

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to get people in a revolutionary state of mind when it's not existential for

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them. This is, I think, the lesson of history that this is the case.

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However, it's also the lesson of history that empires do fall, and that's what

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we're experiencing now. And this regime is something that's been more or less increasingly

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dominated by a kind of imperialist global dominance mindset. And everything has been geared

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towards this in decades. And because of schisms, I believe, among this oligarchy of

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corporate capitalist wealth we have seen in the 21st century one particular group, which

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is a neoconservative, super Zionist-dominated, I believe, coalition take control of US foreign policy

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and send the US on one imperial disaster after another. I mean, most of

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these can be explained or best understood as really things for the benefit of

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in the Clean Break Report in:

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which marked a shift from other imperialists who are not good guys in any

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way, shape or form, but like George H.W. Bush is the most notable one

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here. And this was abandoned in favor of a more neocon super Zionist direction.

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And it has resulted in disastrous wars for the US as this Project for

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a New American Century as it was called. That was the American version of

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the Clean Break Report, except it really didn't frame things around Israel, it framed

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it around global dominance. But this pursuit of global dominance in the wake of

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the fall of the Soviet communism, this has been a disaster. And yet the

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population of the US doesn't have a coherent critique of these things. And no

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political party is, or nobody with a major platform and money behind them and

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institutional support is really able to reach the public on a large enough scale

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to create a new, more reality-based common sense of what this country's situation actually

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is and how it got to be this way. So it's a difficult if

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not impossible time for anybody who is going to be very fixated on the

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idea of how do we fix this system. Because history suggests that this is

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not a revolutionary population, because there's no solidarity. There's plenty of dissatisfaction about the

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terrible regime and the undeniable reality that we have just been facing decline for

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living standards and human indicators in the US for decades, which really shouldn't be

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the case. Technology should be improving and improving people's lives, but it's not. So

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people know that there's like a top-down kind of power that's fixed against them

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and that everything seems more and more like a racket and that you're getting

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screwed by more and more people and that this collectively makes everything more expensive

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and makes life more difficult, makes their children's futures more precarious and uncertain. And

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yet we have no institutions that are going to give people the sense-making ability

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that they would need to understand their plight. And I think that this is

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pretty obviously by design. This isn't something that just happens organically. This is oligarchy

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is doing what they invariably do which is dominating the sense-making and cultural apparatus

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that keeps them in power.

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Yeah, I love the way you said that. I don't love what you said, by the way, but I absolutely love. How do I say that? I love what you said. But I.

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It's a downer and there's no getting around it. It's not, you can't, there's

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no super happy and positive thing in a sense about dealing with this. Because

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what do you do when there's nothing that you can really do is a

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question. And the first step is perhaps understanding why there's nothing that you can

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do and then somehow managing or it's almost like a Taoist kind of a

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thing. There are powers and historical currents that you just cannot resist. Somehow you

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have to exist even in states of chaos.

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That's a brutal truth you're laying down there, Aaron. I mean, and it's a brutal

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truth that I guess I agree with. I think the greater concern from my vantage

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point, because you just nailed almost 90% of where I'm at, is there's nothing we

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can do about it now. We aren't living amongst revolutionary people. We're living amongst people

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who are just fat enough to not want to lose something, yet not fat enough

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to survive in a good way. And knowing full well that it takes the material

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conditions of society to reach such contradictory points where the rupture happens. And we're not

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there because this managed democracy, what it does is it keeps us all just above.

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Like our nose is just above the water line but our mouth is under. And

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if we don't stay with the cause, we'll take on water. So it leaves us

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in this position where it's FUBAR [fucked up beyond all recognition]. And yet the standard

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ways that we've been told we can handle it, vote harder, vote stronger, donate more,

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show up to rallies and celebrate and so forth. I mean that's the hopium. That's

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the LARPing. That's the cosplaying of a democracy that we see especially largely happening even

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within a lot of my friends' worlds. I mean democratic socialists are busy selling that

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world right now as if it's a real possible thing that we can just sort

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of vote our way out of this. And maybe that's because we need the comforting

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lies to do exactly what you said and that's survive what we cannot change. What's

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that old saying, you know, "Lord, help me accept the things I cannot change, the

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courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference." I

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think that there's some truth in that kind of phrasing, given that it feels, I

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don't want to say impossible, but like we're nowhere near where we would need to

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be to take any kind of action. And yet you're watching drones and AI literally

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begin to run cover for oligarchs to lay the working class off. We're seeing 15,000

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layoffs come through Amazon. We're seeing tons of layoffs at all these other companies. We're

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seeing an AI tech bubble. We're seeing where people have placed all their hope and

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dreams, wrongly, but regardless in these things, in their stock portfolio to try and survive

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the coming and going of the economic downturns that we experience more and more and

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more frequently these days. What do you think the average person, how should they process

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their reality right now? I mean, I know that's intentionally vague to give you room

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to speak on it, but how do you think the average person should communicate this

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reality? What do you think is a helpful, healthy way of seeing the world for

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what it is making do, and at the same time resist in whatever fashion you

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can?

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I think on some level, if you can't change the reality and the prevailing order,

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you can at least be honest about it. And so for these Social Democrat types,

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I think that I'm not going to say that I have no sympathy for them

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at all. And I think on balance, Mamdani's candidacy is a sign of positive things

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among the American people, that the major city, biggest city in the US would elect

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someone who essentially is for negation of Zionism. I mean, he doesn't quite come out

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and say it, and I haven't followed him that closely because that's just for reasons

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that are pretty obvious. I don't think we're at a revolutionary moment and that revolution

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will come through voting. But I heard him asked, "Do you think Israel has a

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right to exist?" Which is always a stupid question because there's no state has a

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right to exist. States are human contrivances. They are organizations. The humans have rights, not

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states. So it's ridiculous. But leaving that aside, Mamdani said that, "Yeah, he believes that

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there could be an Israel where everyone has equal rights." So that's really not Israel

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at all. Israel's a fascist, essentially Nazified, project. And that's a positive sign that in

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New York, which doesn't have a shortage of powerful Zionists, you would have somebody elected

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the mayor there. That seems to point to something, to some flicker of human cognition

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and decency that's still there even in a political system as corrupt as this. But

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I do find the democratic socialists, the liberals, the faux leftists, the Trotskyites and so

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on, I find them to have an ultimately pretty useless frame of reference because reality

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is that we don't live in a democracy. We live in a lawless, top-down oligarchy

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bent on global dominance. And in maintaining their totally unjust privileges and power over society

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infinite into and you know, as long as they can. It's a system that you

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cannot really justify if you talk about it in an honest way. And I think

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that it's because of institutional manipulation that there are just many dominant influential thinkers or

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institutions, people with institutional backing. To the extent that there is such a thing on

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the Left, it promotes people who are basically safe. They're the loyal opposition because they

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don't point out that whatever the... I mean I have not gone wrong in the

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last 30 years over any major international event as it's gone down in terms of

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determining the Western hand behind it and ultimately imperialist criminality behind it and the responsibility

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behind it in the West. Because if the West explicitly has a grand strategy of

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global dominance forever and it has deployed all manner of covert operations and the manipulation

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of civil society and of democratic processes to maintain this imperialist project. And so whatever

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is going on in this other country where the US wants to intervene, it's essentially

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invariably some nefarious plot, plan, strategy to extend the domination of Western money and oligarchy

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over the world's political economy and its resource-rich areas. I do not understand how there's

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a Left that is fixated on America's enemies. It's the most ridiculous thing. It's pathetic.

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It's embarrassing. [Yes.] And you know the people at Jacobin, people at Democracy Now are paid

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frauds by and large. And it comes down to like, "Well, do you have institutional

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support? Do you have a salary?" Then probably you are co-opted in one way or

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another. There's a handful of like actually radical academics in our universities and some of

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them got in because the times were different when they got in or because they

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managed to maneuver one way or another. But they're eliminating tenured jobs. They're destroying the

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modern university. So even that's not there. And we're just left with these fake annoying

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revolutions that can't appeal to people on a mass level like Breadtube and figures like

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oh man Contrapoints the people that write of Jacobin, Democracy Now, et cetera, et cetera,

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that just when you live under a despotic lawless regime bent on global dominance, that's

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the political situation, that's really the only political issue. Because if you don't even have

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a democracy in any meaningful sense and the regime is lawless, murderous, and bent on

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dominating US and global society forever, if they can do it, then that's your political

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issue. It's not that in Russia they passed a law against gay propaganda. Oh, no.

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Well, you know, as an American, what does that have to do with anything? Like,

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America didn't even strike sodomy laws from the books until the 21st century. So we're

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going to really act like them being a couple decades behind us or more on

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these issues is somehow important. But you hear people make all of these stupid arguments

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about the regimes that the countries that the US wants to destroy. It's embarrassing. And

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I would just urge people to recognize that. Keep their eyes on. Keep their eye

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on the ball. Keep their eye on the real enemy, which is the regime that

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dominates them and seeks to dominate the whole world and has explicitly asserted this strategy

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in different documents and policy pronouncements and also in the historical record. It's pretty much

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undeniable. So I would say that people need to stop being the dupes of their

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enemies.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

You know, I've got friends here, and I'm sure you have them too, that they don't

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quite rise up to the level of Breadtube. We'll call them Shitlib-tube. I don't know what

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you want to call them, but there's like a very acceptable level of progressive, you know,

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the gatekeepers that, you know, of course, they're the "of course type people" that live and

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die for every Bernie rally. And I was once a member of this. So I'm calling

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myself out, past-Steve, years and years and years ago Steve, but still call myself out in

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that. And they can't fathom that. I wanted to jokingly interrupt you and just say, "but

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they're for Medicare for all, Aaron. But they're for free student debt relief or whatever. But

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they're for a bucket of policies, Aaron." And this constitutes to them, you know, "Oh, well,

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then they're the good guys, right?" Look, what's wrong with that? Why would you think of

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them as your enemy? And enemy is like a weird word. It really is more a

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matter of what they're saying. And what they're doing is literally leading you back to believing

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that this is something you have power to vote your way out of. They're leading you

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back to helplessness. They're leading you back down a train path, you know, that is then

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treaded on a million times in the past to lead to nowhere or right back to

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where you are today, anyway. And ultimately, it's not so much that they're your enemy, it's

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that they are sucking the oxygen out of the room with their huge platforms and they're,

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"Of course I'm pragmatic. Of course. What do you want, Trump? Of course I'm just pragmatic."

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And this faux pragmatism, I think hides more than anything. It's kind of like, you know,

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"Hey, I can't really live with this world, so give me some good cocaine and let

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me go out on a high." And I feel like they would rather be lied to.

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And this is a meme somewhere. I'm sure they would rather a comfortable lie than just

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acknowledging the truth, just looking this in the eye and saying, wow, I can't just vote

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

for Hillary and make Donald Trump not come back. I can't just. It's not going to

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change because going back to the Greater Israel Project, which I'd like to talk about here for

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

a minute, they just treat these as like afterthoughts or, like, "That's just your issue, dude.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

That's just this thing that you're focused on." But they don't realize that is the issue.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

It is the driving force between all things that are happening. Can you talk a little

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

bit about that and then jump to the Greater Israel Project?

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AARON GOOD:

Yeah. Maybe rephrase the last part again, because I got lost in thought as you were talking about that, but

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I had things I wanted to say, and then I started thinking about them, and then I lost my train

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of thought. So the first part there and now before Greater Israel, you're saying, how do we get these people

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to recognize that they're being led down the garden path to, you know, irrelevance and such, basically?

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

That they're being neutered.

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AARON GOOD:

Yeah, yeah.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

They're going out there by these left tubers that aren't really left at all. They're kind of like centrist shitlibs.

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AARON GOOD:

Yeah.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

And they listen to them and they're like,

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

"No, but Kyle's a good guy. You don't

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understand. Or, no, Cenk is really... No, you

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

just. He's really fighting hard for us." Or.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

And, you know. Or, you know, and I

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

could list a lot more, but those are

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

the easy ones.

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AARON GOOD:

And then the alternative people, like there's Alex Jones, you know, there's James Corbett.

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Yes, there's a lot of like right-wing conspiracism, which is also a newer thing.

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It's so easy to make arguments about how bad the liberals are and how

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:

AARON GOOD:

hopeless that is. It's interesting that, I mean, at present we have basically an

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:

AARON GOOD:

outlaw murderer, you know, who's been just like killing people in the Caribbean for,

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:

AARON GOOD:

I won't say, for no reason. The whole reason that he's murdering people in

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:

AARON GOOD:

the Caribbean is so that he can accuse them of being drug dealers, so

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AARON GOOD:

that he can murder more people in Venezuela in order to steal the oil.

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:

AARON GOOD:

That's literally what the state is doing right now. And the Democrats, to my

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:

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knowledge, aren't speaking to this. They might say, "I don't agree with the policy,"

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AARON GOOD:

but they're not going to speak about the whole reality of it. To my

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:

AARON GOOD:

knowledge, I must admit I don't follow the pronouncements of senators and so on

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:

AARON GOOD:

that much anymore because it seems such a waste of time. I think that

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:

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the reason that these platforms exist, the reason that they do end up following

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:

AARON GOOD:

left coded or branded, you know, productions and personalities, is because those are the

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:

AARON GOOD:

ones that do have some institutional support. And they're the group that's saying something

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:

AARON GOOD:

that appeals to some vaguely liberal, lefty-ish people's ideology. And they're sensed to want

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:

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to do something because people don't want to accept that there is like zero

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:

AARON GOOD:

that they can do. So they take all of this energy and the energy

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:

AARON GOOD:

that exists in the population instead of being channeled in a meaningful way with

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:

AARON GOOD:

a critique that actually resonates and could produce some solidarity among people. They end

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:

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up just wasting their time on trifling, silly politics that are doomed when they

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:

AARON GOOD:

could recognize that in reality, we'll endow one with a kind of revolutionary mindset.

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Even if they're going to have to face the truth that they live in

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:

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a pre-revolutionary or non-revolutionary society or anti-revolutionary society really. And so it's just a

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difficult thing to get people to grasp the sense-making apparatus. The cultural apparatus in

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the US has been manipulated in so many ways and it's done the same

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:

AARON GOOD:

way now, except in ways that we don't even know. The fakery that exists

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:

AARON GOOD:

online and on these big platforms like Reddit and Wikipedia and Facebook and Twitter.

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:

AARON GOOD:

These are essentially, they may as well be run by the intelligence agencies in

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:

AARON GOOD:

terms of the algorithms and how TikTok was there they couldn't accept that it's

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:

AARON GOOD:

the discourse and the numbers that seem to prevail there. You have no idea.

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:

AARON GOOD:

These people are all anonymous. You know, you have no idea what is meaningfully

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:

AARON GOOD:

behind things on Reddit, Facebook, Twitter, Wikipedia and so on. It's all top down.

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:

AARON GOOD:

Everything is top down. And there's so much misdirection. I have no ballpark estimation

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:

AARON GOOD:

of the number of people who are online, you know, managing personas and multiple

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:

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accounts across multiple websites, who just spend hours creating a false sense of what

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:

AARON GOOD:

like public opinion is in ways great and small every day. I would guess

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:

AARON GOOD:

that it's staggering. And I would guess that one of the main things that

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:

AARON GOOD:

they are really excited about AI for is that they will be able to

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:

AARON GOOD:

create infinite numbers of anonymous spammers who are engaged in all sorts of propaganda

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:

AARON GOOD:

operations of every flavor. Whether they're bespoken for different political groups, whether they're conservatives

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:

AARON GOOD:

or liberals or leftists, or whether they are rural or urban, coastal, interior, et

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:

AARON GOOD:

cetera, et cetera. They think that AI is going to give them the key

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to basically take away the power of organized workers and to dominate the cultural

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:

AARON GOOD:

space as essentially a warfare that they're waging on all of us. It should

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:

AARON GOOD:

be easy to recognize this, and it should endow people with a real disdain,

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:

AARON GOOD:

contempt, antipathy, hatred even for the oligarchy that does this to us, while pretending

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AARON GOOD:

to be a democracy, which is a country ruled by the demos, when it

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:

AARON GOOD:

most certainly is not and never really has been. And with the benefit of

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:

AARON GOOD:

hindsight, we can see that the moments when it appeared more democratic, this was

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:

AARON GOOD:

more or less an illusion designed to confer legitimacy on the oligarchy when it

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:

AARON GOOD:

needed it for things like surviving the Great Depression without becoming socialist, or rallying

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:

AARON GOOD:

the country to fight to win the peace after World War II so that

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AARON GOOD:

the US oligarchs could establish a Wall Street dominated American century, a dollarized empire

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AARON GOOD:

over the whole world that they would like to make last forever, but which

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:

AARON GOOD:

cannot. And that's the moment that we're in now. And I think that they

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AARON GOOD:

think these technocratic clandestine meta operations of just manipulating the internet and dominating corporate

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:

AARON GOOD:

media and creating alternative media that's so specialized and niche that it's just going

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:

AARON GOOD:

to atomize and befuddle people. By and large, they think that this is going

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:

AARON GOOD:

to save them. I think ultimately they're going to be transcended by countries and

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AARON GOOD:

emerging great powers whose regimes are animated by something different than capitalist greed.

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Wow, powerful. Can we touch on the Greater Israel here real quickly because,

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

you know, before they clamped down on TikTok and before many of the,

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

if not most of the people of the press that were in Gaza

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

being killed now, it used to be my wall was filled with information

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

and now I have to actually go search for it to find it.

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

The algorithms which are controlled by these oligarchic elements have basically silenced anything

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

that competes with that space. But the elements that we're talking, I mean,

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

it's so ridiculous to see the narratives surrounding Israel. And you know, I

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

find it humorous in a sick way that some New York yuppie can

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

lay claim to property held by a Palestinian over in Gaza. And this

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

whole concept of Zionism is such a letch, just a wretched, twisted, grotesque

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

form of colonialism and fascism, quite frankly.

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:

AARON GOOD:

Yeah, it's anti-Semitism. I mean, to be real, it basically takes the Nazi argument that Jewish

472

:

AARON GOOD:

people cannot really [be] full citizens in other countries because of their cultural historical uniqueness and

473

:

AARON GOOD:

so on and the hatred that it engenders in people that so they have to have

474

:

AARON GOOD:

this state or some of the writings of some of the Zionists who said like that

475

:

AARON GOOD:

they invoke some of the stereotypes of Jewish people that are like, "Oh, we are weak

476

:

AARON GOOD:

and effeminate, but it's because we don't have a state, you know, and if we had

477

:

AARON GOOD:

a state we'd be strong and powerful." I mean, it's a form of Nazism really. Nazism

478

:

AARON GOOD:

emerged, a modern industrialized "blood and soil" fascism with a project that's exterminationist, you know, for

479

:

AARON GOOD:

Lebensraum and so on. This is so analogous to Israel that it's, you know, it's almost

480

:

AARON GOOD:

cliche to point it out at this point. And it just flies in the face of

481

:

AARON GOOD:

all of our notions of progress and the enlightenment and modernity, the 21st century has revealed

482

:

AARON GOOD:

the West to be totally morally bankrupt, dishonest, lawless political project at its apex. That's not

483

:

AARON GOOD:

to speak about the people in the West because they are deprived from, you know, impacting

484

:

AARON GOOD:

power and influencing the policies in any real way. But this is more and more clear

485

:

AARON GOOD:

to people. We're just the villains to most of the world. To the world that's halfway

486

:

AARON GOOD:

conscious of all the U.S., is this dangerous problem whose decline they need to manage with

487

:

AARON GOOD:

as little carnage as possible.

488

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Well stated.

489

:

AARON GOOD:

I just want to clarify, and this is where I think the sort of

490

:

AARON GOOD:

emerging right-wing, anti-Israel people are predictably getting it wrong. The issue is not, "Oh,

491

:

AARON GOOD:

everything's great. If it weren't for Israel and for Zionism." The problem is we

492

:

AARON GOOD:

created a system where money and acquiring great amounts of money through political corruption

493

:

AARON GOOD:

and dominating rackets and monopolies and sectors of the economy is the way that

494

:

AARON GOOD:

political power is achieved and exercised and extended. And Jewish Americans didn't create this,

495

:

AARON GOOD:

you know, and Zionist Jewish Americans didn't create this. It turns out that they

496

:

AARON GOOD:

put together a political formation, neoconservatism, that was intertwined with the National Crime Syndicate,

497

:

AARON GOOD:

Meyer Lansky and the Teamsters and all of that. And that was given protection

498

:

AARON GOOD:

by this regime of the US because it was useful to these actors in

499

:

AARON GOOD:

terms of dominating US society and also international politics, you know, in fighting the

500

:

AARON GOOD:

Cold War with this sort of underworld army that's intertwined with capitalism and intelligence

501

:

AARON GOOD:

agencies. And the role of Zionists in this was foundational because of the Vegas

502

:

AARON GOOD:

Teamster mob syndicate that Robert F. Kennedy went after. And really nobody else did,

503

:

AARON GOOD:

except for Nixon to some extent, which is why Lansky had to go to

504

:

AARON GOOD:

Israel in:

505

:

AARON GOOD:

the globalists and if it weren't for the Zionists or if it weren't for

506

:

AARON GOOD:

the Illuminati or the Freemasons or the Jesuits, that everything will be fine." It's

507

:

AARON GOOD:

a system that is designed around the acquisition of wealth through the exploitation of

508

:

AARON GOOD:

workers and people and also political domination, which allows one to control entire sectors

509

:

AARON GOOD:

of the economy and establish, you know, essentially monopolies over essential human functions like

510

:

AARON GOOD:

health care, agribusiness, energy, you know, everything. Every aspect of our economy is essentially

511

:

AARON GOOD:

dominated by these corporate oligarchs. That's really the root of the problem. So Zionism

512

:

AARON GOOD:

is uniquely historically impactful in the US because of a number of historical accidents

513

:

AARON GOOD:

that the world has paid for and has suffered a lot for this. Nobody

514

:

AARON GOOD:

more than Palestinians and people in the Middle East in the 21st century.

515

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

That's extremely well stated. I was going to take us in a

516

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

slightly different, but almost exclusively related to the system kind of direction.

517

:

AARON GOOD:

Yes. I just wanted to establish that. I'm not trying to argue that, "Oh, it's just Israel is all our

518

:

AARON GOOD:

problems." People don't know my work that well. I would like to clarify that. So thank you for that.

519

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Absolutely. No, and that's exactly what I wanted. It is systemic and it is beyond

520

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

systemic, because the system itself isn't failing. It's doing what it is intended to do.

521

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

It's been designed this way. And some of the tactics. I spoke with a great

522

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

author and a scholar named Clara Mattei about the capital order. And some of the

523

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

stuff that she raised was about how austerity is a tool that economists created on

524

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

behalf of the ruling elite to discipline labor and to create this otherness, to create

525

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the bad guys, the good guys, the makers and takers, as part of the cultural

526

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

tactic, if you will, to manipulate [the] public, to hate the poor, to hate those

527

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

that are different, etc. And it's definitely part of the Zionist project, but it's not

528

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the Zionist project that's bigger than that. It's part of this othering that they do

529

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

as part of fascism, et cetera, to create the conditions that keep us at each

530

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

other's throat instead of looking in the direction where the real problem lies. But what

531

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

I wanted to do is just bring your attention to Washington D.C. for a moment.

532

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

And Washington D.C. is a non-state that has sort of elected representatives. Not really. It's

533

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

kind of like a dog and pony show at best. And there's these sports teams

534

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

that are, you know, there that everyone takes great pride in. And I think there's

535

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

a lot to be said for just having some sort of distraction to keep you

536

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

from slitting your wrist during this period of like, helplessness. But nobody wants to be

537

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the poor. Nobody wants to be the guy on the outside looking in. And so

538

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

I wanted to read this to you because this is kind of the way I

539

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

believe they keep us as divided as ever as part of that atomized man that

540

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

you talked about in the beginning, et cetera. And I said "The cycle create austerity,

541

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

cut spending, make it harder for people to survive. Folks break laws when they're trying

542

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to survive. Assholes ignore the cause and effect and want tougher laws, not a return

543

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to the necessary spending. They begin talking about personal responsibility and then blame the poor

544

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

for being irresponsible. Cops are called to crack down on the poor. Then they begin

545

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to talk about abuses in the system. They ratchet the austerity. Cut more spending and

546

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

more police spending is added. And they act like more police and more tough on

547

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

crime is required while not helping the poor. Wash, rinse, and repeat. I said be

548

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

careful who you blame." And I think that ultimately people are so bought into this

549

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

notion of, "If I have the most toys, that makes me a good person. Whoever

550

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

is rich, they must be good because you got to be a good person to

551

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

become rich. I'll follow them. I'll worship them. I'll hero worship them." And you don't

552

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

have to look farther than Elon Musk and Bill Gates and all these other figureheads

553

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

that own all the social media platforms, own the regular media platform platforms, etcetera, but

554

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

this whole concept of blaming the poor for our societal problems, punching down on immigrants,

555

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

et cetera, why do you think this is so effective and useful to these oligarchies

556

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

that do this repeatedly? It's not some new phenomenon.

557

:

AARON GOOD:

They control our sense-making institutions and they direct the political regimes that have existed in the

558

:

AARON GOOD:

US and so there's always been various others that have been deployed as props and, or

559

:

AARON GOOD:

as real adversaries throughout the history of the US. So it wasn't a matter of pitting

560

:

AARON GOOD:

us against ourselves or I mean, white people pitting themselves against other white people in the

561

:

AARON GOOD:

early American experience because there's the frontier. Of course there are conflicts in US politics, but

562

:

AARON GOOD:

this fact that you had the frontier as a way to externalize this conflict and that

563

:

AARON GOOD:

you had an externalized other that was very useful for them. You know, initially it's the

564

:

AARON GOOD:

Indians who are not Christian, not white, and didn't have a system of property rights that

565

:

AARON GOOD:

would give them title to the land in the way that they did back in Europe.

566

:

AARON GOOD:

And then of course, there are realistic problems about running into wars with Indians and how

567

:

AARON GOOD:

using European labor would exacerbate these problems. Indentured servants would exacerbate the problems because it would

568

:

AARON GOOD:

necessitate more westward expansion so that more people would have land if they survived their indenture.

569

:

AARON GOOD:

And the result of that crisis faced by the colonial class there, the owning class, and

570

:

AARON GOOD:

especially in the American South, was slavery initially for their tobacco plantations, because that's what made

571

:

AARON GOOD:

America viable as a colony for England in the first place was tobacco. And eventually they

572

:

AARON GOOD:

used slaves for this. It was kind of on the decline because tobacco was not as

573

:

AARON GOOD:

lucrative. But then of course, cotton revived slavery in the U.S. and you know, it's the

574

:

AARON GOOD:

most important part of the economy for many decades in the US and in the South,

575

:

AARON GOOD:

you had this system which really did have whiteness. It had what we think of as

576

:

AARON GOOD:

whiteness in America really takes shape in this time. And it's very useful because it did

577

:

AARON GOOD:

create a kind of solidarity. In this case, it wasn't dividing Americans as they were thought

578

:

AARON GOOD:

of at the time, just the white people against each other. It was a way of

579

:

AARON GOOD:

creating fake solidarity among, you know, white people, because, "At least you're white. You're on Team

580

:

AARON GOOD:

Whitey and you're part of the good guys. That's how the Confederacy actually could field an

581

:

AARON GOOD:

army, which when you think about how many people actually owned slaves and such in the

582

:

AARON GOOD:

South. You wonder how in the world could they have ever fielded an army when most

583

:

AARON GOOD:

of these people did not own slaves and the best land was owned by these slaveholders.

584

:

AARON GOOD:

So they were actually fighting for their enemies and dying for them en masse. That was

585

:

AARON GOOD:

the power of the social cohesion created by whiteness, which is this fake idea. The idea

586

:

AARON GOOD:

that was created for social cohesion and for support of a prevailing political order. And you

587

:

AARON GOOD:

know, that persists to this day among some people, like white nationalists and so on, are

588

:

AARON GOOD:

the dupes of political opportunists in the US you know, once we go sea-to-shining- sea and

589

:

AARON GOOD:

of course there's Mexico. We fight a war with Mexico to steal Texas and California and

590

:

AARON GOOD:

everything from them. But then immediately, once that happens, the US keeps going further West because

591

:

AARON GOOD:

they needed this other. They needed an other to fight against and a project of expansion.

592

:

AARON GOOD:

So they went West and they just kept going West. They went all the way into

593

:

AARON GOOD:

Edo [Tokyo] Bay. Even before the US Civil War, Commodore Admiral or whatever you want to

594

:

AARON GOOD:

call him, Matthew Perry sails into Edo Bay and he forces the Japanese to sign a

595

:

AARON GOOD:

humiliating treaty with the US to trade with them and has other provisions as well, because

596

:

AARON GOOD:

they needed that expansion. And that has survived in one way or another through almost all

597

:

AARON GOOD:

of US history. I think there's a tiny window of like under Roosevelt where you had

598

:

AARON GOOD:

the good neighbor policy in Latin America and the US was generally sort of contracting inward

599

:

AARON GOOD:

from the imperialism of the early part of the 20th century. But by and large there's

600

:

AARON GOOD:

always been boogeymen externally. And increasingly they've turned since the end of World War II, the

601

:

AARON GOOD:

decades, you know, as the Cold War progressed, it was more and more sort of internal

602

:

AARON GOOD:

division and culture wars ginned up in different ways. Instead of rallying the population to this

603

:

AARON GOOD:

American cause in some sort of like Nazi-style global imperialist project, it's more of that the

604

:

AARON GOOD:

population is atomized and instead of rallying all the youth to be prepared to fight in

605

:

AARON GOOD:

a big military mobilizations, big wars, they create economic conditions that force some people to regard

606

:

AARON GOOD:

military service as the best choice they have. And so it's changed in its form, but

607

:

AARON GOOD:

there's always been an imperialist aspect to it. And it's more a sign of the decline

608

:

AARON GOOD:

that our rulers have focused more on increasing social division. And they've kind of given up

609

:

AARON GOOD:

even on any national project for the US at this point. They have the project that

610

:

AARON GOOD:

they manage, but it really is not something that the public is largely on board with

611

:

AARON GOOD:

or even understands.

612

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

I think most people are probably not even aware of Bacon's Rebellion. But Bacon's

613

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Rebellion, to me, showed the lengths that they will go and how easy

614

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

it is to destroy solidarity in these very spaces. The poor black slaves,

615

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the serfs, white indentured servants, you name it, all kind of got together

616

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to fight back. And all the ruling elite had to do was give

617

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the white guys a little extra benefits, and they abandoned all the rest

618

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

of them. And it quelled Bacon's Rebellion simply by that economic inequality, by

619

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

just dividing right there, by saying, "Here, we'll give you an extra $0.05

620

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to not stand with these guys."

621

:

AARON GOOD:

Well, they also ceased the use of indentured servants from Europe, meaning that there was going

622

:

AARON GOOD:

to be less people that were owed land after they survived. So it was this. I

623

:

AARON GOOD:

don't even know how much they really gave. The people like Bacon weren't necessarily given much.

624

:

AARON GOOD:

They didn't get much benefit from it. They got crushed. I think Bacon dies of dysentery,

625

:

AARON GOOD:

you know, because they did sack Jamestown and burn it down, as I understand it, which

626

:

AARON GOOD:

is, would have been something to see, but that was only after they'd gone out and

627

:

AARON GOOD:

tried to kill a bunch of Indians. This was a more populist kind of genocidal imperialism.

628

:

AARON GOOD:

And it just shows you how in the early US among these, like, white colonists, there's

629

:

AARON GOOD:

virtually no good guys in any meaningful sense.

630

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Absolutely. Right on. All right, final thing. I know that you are in the midst of

631

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

doing a rewrite for Japan for your book. Can you talk a little bit about that?

632

:

AARON GOOD:

Yeah, we have a translation which is basically finished, as I understand it, and I'm working

633

:

AARON GOOD:

on the new preface for them. I was excited that they wanted to bring this to

634

:

AARON GOOD:

Japan, because I used to teach Japanese history for three years as a high school teacher,

635

:

AARON GOOD:

and it was a class for high school seniors. And then I took a bunch of

636

:

AARON GOOD:

classes in college. I had almost a minor in East Asian Studies, so I knew Japanese

637

:

AARON GOOD:

history well. And I'd been to Japan on a peace study tour with Peter Kuznick to Hiroshima

638

:

AARON GOOD:

and Nagasaki on the anniversary of the bomb dropping. And I just find Japanese culture fascinating.

639

:

AARON GOOD:

The history is just amazing to me, and I was really touched that they would want

640

:

AARON GOOD:

to publish my book there. And so I'm trying to write about Japanese imperialism, the oligarchy

641

:

AARON GOOD:

of Japan, and how its history has been shaped overwhelmingly by the United States since Admiral

642

:

AARON GOOD:

Perry sailed into Edo Bay. And I enjoy doing this, but I also feel a bit

643

:

AARON GOOD:

of pressure, in a sense, because I'm writing about something that I'm not really a specialist

644

:

AARON GOOD:

on the way. I'm a specialist on US imperialism. However, I think that because Japan has

645

:

AARON GOOD:

been dominated by the US and because so few US specialists actually understand what the US

646

:

AARON GOOD:

really is, I feel like my book explains the US regime very well and that it

647

:

AARON GOOD:

filled the gap in terms of understanding the American deep state, which is to say the

648

:

AARON GOOD:

top-down regime or oligarchy of the United States in the biggest sense. That by understanding the

649

:

AARON GOOD:

forces that really dominated what, how history unfolded in Japan and by having being conversant in

650

:

AARON GOOD:

Japanese history that I would be able to convey the relevance of American exception to Japanese

651

:

AARON GOOD:

readers who would be probably of an anti-imperialist bent or they wouldn't be reading the book.

652

:

AARON GOOD:

Right?

653

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

Yeah.

654

:

AARON GOOD:

So it's a shock when the US sails into Japan and forces them to sign a

655

:

AARON GOOD:

treaty. They had seen what had happened to China, of a country that they have very

656

:

AARON GOOD:

centuries long cultural and historical ties to and connections to. They knew about the Opium Wars

657

:

AARON GOOD:

and the ruin, these things that the west had brought to China, but they couldn't resist

658

:

AARON GOOD:

the US gunboats and they are forced to concede to the US. However, in Japanese fashion,

659

:

AARON GOOD:

they decide that they will borrow from these barbarians and reap and take their technology and

660

:

AARON GOOD:

make it better because they're Japanese. They're better than these barbarians. And so they modernize, they

661

:

AARON GOOD:

industrialize Japan and they go from having a feudal oligarchy to essentially an imperialist-minded corporate oligarchy

662

:

AARON GOOD:

of corporate wealth, you know, represented most, I think significantly by the Zaibatsu corporations like Mitsubishi,

663

:

AARON GOOD:

which is still around today. We think of the Japanese imperialism as like vicious and fascistic,

664

:

AARON GOOD:

which once, be honest, it pretty much was, if you understand what they did in China

665

:

AARON GOOD:

and elsewhere in Korea, et cetera. But what's notable about this is that especially in the

666

:

AARON GOOD:

lead up to or In World War II itself, they were essentially displacing Western colonial regimes

667

:

AARON GOOD:

with their own Japanese colonial regimes. And they did it by copying the West and using

668

:

AARON GOOD:

Western technology and even changing their own political structure to be something more Western than what

669

:

AARON GOOD:

it was before. It was like a big board of directors is how I think of

670

:

AARON GOOD:

the Japanese eventually during this era where they tried to establish their own empire and then

671

:

AARON GOOD:

the US nukes them at the end of the war, enters the war really because of

672

:

AARON GOOD:

the Japanese attacks on supposedly US nominally US territories. But if you look at the US

673

:

AARON GOOD:

in the Philippines and in Hawaii, you can't really justify that as you being American dominated

674

:

AARON GOOD:

in any real sense. It just was we took it by force and that's as much

675

:

AARON GOOD:

legitimacy as it had. But that gets left out of the story. But once Japan is

676

:

AARON GOOD:

totally defeated, then the US drop essentially because the Soviets have invaded Manchuria and are poised

677

:

AARON GOOD:

to invade Japan. That's when the US just drops the bomb on two cities, two defenseless

678

:

AARON GOOD:

cities for a defeated empire that really has no ability to project force outside of its

679

:

AARON GOOD:

borders anymore. But the US drops those bombs I think partly as a warning to the

680

:

AARON GOOD:

Soviets that they have this bomb and also because it provides this great pretext for the

681

:

AARON GOOD:

Japanese to surrender to the Americans. And they knew that the Americans would be much more

682

:

AARON GOOD:

friendly or they had hoped, I guess and probably had some assurances in some way. I

683

:

AARON GOOD:

wouldn't be surprised if there's things we don't know about this, that their oligarchy would be

684

:

AARON GOOD:

essentially preserved. Because if you wipe out this oligarchic class that ran this empire, you probably

685

:

AARON GOOD:

have a socialist takeover in Japan. And so the oligarchy of Japan got essentially subjugated and

686

:

AARON GOOD:

made subservient to this US imperial project. And the same happens with Germany and NATO. Gradually

687

:

AARON GOOD:

after World War II, none of these regions and countries, Europe and Japan and other East

688

:

AARON GOOD:

Asian countries like South Korea etcetera, have enjoyed real independence. They've been subservient to the US

689

:

AARON GOOD:

Empire. They have not had any real sovereignty. They've not been independent. They have been subjected

690

:

AARON GOOD:

to with their own oligarchic political system as kind of the intermediaries, but they've still been

691

:

AARON GOOD:

subjected to the same mind-scrambling that the US has been subjected to. And it's the same

692

:

AARON GOOD:

forces that are doing it. And now that we're at this inflection point, Japan is going

693

:

AARON GOOD:

to have to face the way that it's going to be in the world going forward.

694

:

AARON GOOD:

They're the biggest holder of US treasury bills in the world. And I don't think that

695

:

AARON GOOD:

they have a choice in that. I think that for economic reasons, but there's a carrot

696

:

AARON GOOD:

and steak aspect to it, it helps their exports. But also I think if they didn't

697

:

AARON GOOD:

have those, who knows what the US would do? They have treaties that we know about

698

:

AARON GOOD:

that the US is allowed to be stationed on Japanese soil at Okinawa, which is enormously

699

:

AARON GOOD:

unpopular, but there's also bases on the main islands and they are not at all a

700

:

AARON GOOD:

democracy. The Japanese ruling party, the Liberal Democratic Party [LDP] which is a very deceptive name

701

:

AARON GOOD:

for it, it's essentially a one-party state for almost all of the post war history and

702

:

AARON GOOD:

it was founded by two guys. One of whom was a class A war criminal who

703

:

AARON GOOD:

should have been executed. He was essentially a yakuza [organized crime] man who worked with the

704

:

AARON GOOD:

Navy to loot China and other parts of Asia, but especially China, by dominating the opium

705

:

AARON GOOD:

trade and sucking as much precious metals and diamonds in platinum and such out of China.

706

:

AARON GOOD:

And then with the money that he had stolen, I think it's like 175 million, the

707

:

AARON GOOD:

precursor to the CIA sprang him from jail and used that money to create a slush

708

:

AARON GOOD:

fund for the Liberal Democratic Party that has ruled Japan forever. Not forever, but since the

709

:

AARON GOOD:

end of World War II, by and large. And this guy was essentially a hard right

710

:

AARON GOOD:

imperialist gangster who was just repurposed to serve the new gangsters of capitalism, which were headquartered

711

:

AARON GOOD:

in Washington D.C. at this point they became a satellite. I mean, Chalmers Johnson was an expert

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AARON GOOD:

on Japan and Japan's economic development after World War II. He was an expert on US

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AARON GOOD:

imperialism later in his career. And he said that in the 80s he wanted to make

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AARON GOOD:

a joke that the Sony Walkman tagline should have been "...from the people who brought you

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AARON GOOD:

Pearl Harbor." Because they. It was the same group was basically the oligarchs were still left

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AARON GOOD:

in charge, might execute some military officials and so on. But just as in Germany, the

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AARON GOOD:

real oligarchs were by and large left in positions of power in society and over the

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AARON GOOD:

political economy in Japan and Germany both. And so now when we see the descent into

719

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AARON GOOD:

actual sort of Nazi-style fascism which the US is a party to in Palestine, it should

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AARON GOOD:

crystallize a lot of things in the minds of people. And I hope that eventually, when

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AARON GOOD:

it's clear that this system, when it's undeniable that the Western hegemonic project cannot continue and

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AARON GOOD:

it's no longer viable, that, you know, hopefully I would love for my book and for

723

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AARON GOOD:

books of other thinkers, the works of other thinkers to influence them and make them more

724

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AARON GOOD:

aware of this political reality that the US and then US-friendly oligarchs in Japan and really

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AARON GOOD:

elsewhere around the world, in every country under Western sway; It'll break this spell that they

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AARON GOOD:

have been put under, which is not merely a spell, but it's got a lot of

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AARON GOOD:

money behind it. All the money in the world essentially. It's the people that control the

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AARON GOOD:

machines that make all of the money, as you know. [Yes] It's a staggering thing to

729

:

AARON GOOD:

comprehend. And then I'm hoping that my preface and that the book is well received over

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AARON GOOD:

there. That would mean a lot to me. But that's what I've been working on of

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AARON GOOD:

late, in between doing the podcast. And we also have a documentary film. I'll send you

732

:

AARON GOOD:

the trailer for it, which we can't post publicly because we have some issues to hammer

733

:

AARON GOOD:

out with that first, but I can send it to you and you can check that

734

:

AARON GOOD:

out. And I've just been, you know, pretty busy and kind of burned out at the

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AARON GOOD:

same time, but still trying to juggle all these things. I appreciate the chance to be

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AARON GOOD:

able to talk about this here on your podcast.

737

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STEVE GRUMBINE:

Absolutely. Dude, you're right at the fulcrum. Right? This is what the actual problem is,

738

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

and so many things distracting us from it. And you're like right over Berlin, so

739

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to speak. So bravo. I appreciate it and thank you so much for the time

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

you spent with me today. Where can we find more of your work?

741

:

AARON GOOD:

The American Exception podcast is on Patreon, so I think it's patreon.com/americanexception. And if you want

742

:

AARON GOOD:

the book, it's just American Exception, Empire and the Deep State. There's an e-book, there's an

743

:

AARON GOOD:

audiobook, I think there's an e-book, there's an audiobook, and definitely a hardcover. And I tried

744

:

AARON GOOD:

to make this more comprehensive in terms of addressing social science perspectives and critiques. Because it

745

:

AARON GOOD:

was originally a dissertation. I tried to write it to make it a little less academic

746

:

AARON GOOD:

and turgid with the prose, but I think I succeeded partially. But for the most part,

747

:

AARON GOOD:

I think it's pretty readable, and most people who are educated, lay people, not social scientists,

748

:

AARON GOOD:

have been positive about it. So it's a very good resource if you're interested in the

749

:

AARON GOOD:

suppressed aspects of our politics and history. I think people could benefit from checking it out...

750

:

AARON GOOD:

and the film when there's more going on with that. I'll circle back to you when

751

:

AARON GOOD:

we have our news about distribution and everything, but it's basically finished and I'm really excited

752

:

AARON GOOD:

for it to get out.

753

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

That sounds fantastic. Aaron, thank you so much for your time. I'm going

754

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

to go ahead and take us out here, folks. My name's Steve Grumbine

755

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

and I am the host of Macro N Cheese and the founder of

756

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the nonprofit that sponsors this, Real Progressives. We are a 501[c]3, not for

757

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

profit. That means your donations are tax deductible. And I say this every

758

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

time, but I think people ignore it. Folks, if you think it's being

759

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

funded by some big fat cat, you're wrong. We're getting by the skin

760

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

of our teeth, so don't look for somebody else to do it. If

761

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

you find value in this. We need you bad. And realize that we're

762

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

in the fourth quarter. So while it's still tax deductible for you, so

763

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

consider either a one-time donation or becoming a monthly subscriber or monthly donor.

764

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

You can get us on patreon.com/real progressives, you can go to Substack/realprogressives and

765

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

become a donor. You can go to our website realprogressives.org and become a

766

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

donor there as well. I will tell you, every Tuesday night we conduct

767

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

a webinar called Macro N Chill. You'll see us feverishly sharing it around

768

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

trying to get people there. This is an opportunity for us to get

769

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

community and build knowledge together, flex that brain muscle together and develop a

770

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

kind of shared understanding of the world. And then on Thursday nights usually

771

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

we have a book club. So we are currently going through Lenin's State

772

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

and Revolution. All of this is free of charge. We live and die

773

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

on your donations and volunteers could be you. So without further ado, let

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:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

me say on behalf of my guest, Aaron Good, thank you so much

775

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

for joining me today. And for you guests out there who are listening,

776

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

thank you so much for taking the time to listen. On behalf of

777

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

the podcast Macro N Cheese and the nonprofit Real Progressives, we are out

778

:

STEVE GRUMBINE:

of here.

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