Have you ever wondered what inspired your favorite classic novelist to write their stories? What was happening in their lives to inspire their famous works? What was happening in the world at the time that they wrote those stories you love?

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Welcome to Bite at a Time Books Behind the Story, where we answer the questions you have about your favorite classic authors.

What inspired your favorite author to write their novels?

What was going on in the world at the time?

Follow along with us as we tell you you what was happening in the world while your favorite authors wrote your favorite classics.

My name is Brie Carlyle and I love to read and wanted to share my passion with listeners like you.

All of the links for our show are in the Show Notes.

Today, we'll be talking about July Revolution, which helped inspire the Three Musketeers.

The French Revolution of 1830, also known as the July Revolution.

Second Revolution, or TRO gloriosas in French days, was a second French Revolution after the first that of 1789.

It led to the overthrow of King Charles Xi, the French Bourbon monarch, and the ascent of his cousin Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, who himself, after 18 precarious years on the throne, would be overthrown in 1848.

It marked the shift from one constitutional monarchy under the restored House of Bourbon to another, the July Monarchy, the transition of power from the House of Bourbon to its cadet branch, the House of Orleans, and the replacement of the principles of hereditary right by that of popular sovereignty.

Supporters of the Bourbon would be called Legitimists and supporters of Louis Philippe or Leanists.

After Napoleonic France's defeat and surrender in May 1814, continental Europe and France in particular, was in a state of disarray, the Congress of Vienna meant to redraw the continent's political map.

Many European countries attended the Congress, but decisionmaking was controlled by four major powers the Austrian Empire, represented by the chief Minister, Prince Meternish, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, represented by its foreign Secretary vs.

Count Casual Row, the Russian Empire, represented by Emperor Alexander I, and Prussia, represented by King Frederick William III.

France's foreign Minister, Charles Maurice de Taliband, also attended the Congress.

Although France was considered an enemy state, Tally Rand was allowed to attend the Congress because he claimed that he had only cooperated with Napoleon under Duress.

He suggested that France be restored to her legitimate, I.

E.

Pre Napoleonic borders and governments, a plan that, with some changes, was accepted by the major powers.

France was spared large annexations and returned to its 1791 borders.

The House of Bourbon, deposed by the Revolution, was restored to the throne in the person of Louis XII.

The Congress, however, forced Louis to grant a Constitution.

The Truth On September 16, 1824, after a lingering illness of several months, the 68 year old Louis XII died childless.

His younger and more reactionary brother, Charles, aged 66, therefore inherited the throne of France.

On September 27, Charles Xi made his state entry into Paris to popular acclaim.

During the ceremony, while presenting the King the keys to the city, the Count de Chabrol, prefect of the scene, declared, proud to possess its new King, Paris can aspire to become the Queen of Cities by its magnificence, as its people aspire to be foremost in its Fidelity, its devotion, and its love.

Eight months later, the mood of the capital had sharply worsened.

In its opinion of the new King.

The causes of this dramatic shift in public opinion were many, but the main two were the imposition of the death penalty for anyone profaning the Eucharist, the provisions for financial indemnities for properties confiscated by the 1789 Revolution, and the first Empire of Napoleon.

These indemnities to be paid to anyone, whether Noble or non Noble, who had been declared enemies of the Revolution.

Critics of the first accused the King and his new Ministry of pandering to the Catholic Church and, by so doing, of violating guarantees of equality of religious belief, as specified in the Charter of 1814.

The second matter, that of financial indemnities, was far more opportunistic than the first.

This was because, since the restoration of the monarchy, there had been demands from all groups to settle matters of property ownership, to reduce, if not eliminate, the uncertainties in the real estate market.

But opponents, many of whom were frustrated Bonapartists, began a whispering campaign that Charles X was only proposing this in order to shame those who had not immigrated.

Both measures, they claimed, were nothing more than clever subterfuge, meaning to bring about the destruction of the Charter of 1814.

Up to this time, thanks to the popularity of the Constitution and the Chamber of Deputies with the people of Paris, the King's relationship with the elite, both the Bourbon supporters and Bourbon opposition had remained solid.

This, too, was about to change.

On April 12, propelled by both genuine conviction and the spirit of independence, the Chamber of Deputies roundly rejected the government's proposal to change the inheritance laws.

The popular newspaper La Constitutional pronounced this refusal a victory over the forces of counterrevolutionaries and reactionism.

The popularity of both the Chamber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies skyrocketed, and the popularity of the King and his Ministry dropped.

This became unmistakable when, on April 16, 1827, while reviewing the Guard Royale in the Champ to Mars, the King was greeted with icy silence, many of the spectators refusing even to remove their hats.

Charles X later told his cousin Orleans that although most people present were not too hostile, some looked at times with terrible expressions because of what it perceived to be growing relentless and increasingly vitrolic criticism of both the government and the Church.

The government of Charles the Tent introduced into the Chamber of Deputies a proposal for a law tightening censorship, especially in regard to the newspapers.

The Chamber, for its part, objected so violently that the humiliated government had no choice but to withdraw its proposals.

On April 30, on the grounds that it had behaved in an offensive manner towards the Crown, the King abruptly dissolved the National Guard of Paris, a voluntary group of citizens and an ever reliable conduit between the monarchy and the people.

Cooler heads were appalled.

I would rather have my head cut off, wrote a nobleman from the Rhineland upon hearing the news, than they have counseled such an act.

The only further measure needed to cause a revolution is censorship.

On March 17, 1830, the majority in the Chapter of Deputies passed a motion of no confidence, the address of the 221 against the King and the Polygonch Ministry.

The following day, Charles dissolved Parliament and then alarmed the opposition by delaying elections for two months.

During this time, the Liberals championed the two to one as popular heroes, while the government struggled to gain support across the country as prefects were shuffled around the departments of France.

The elections that followed, taking place between July 5 and July 19, 1830, returned a narrow majority for Polygonyak and his ultra royalists, but many members were nevertheless hostile to the King.

Censorship came on Sunday, July 25, 1830, when the King, with the agreement of Poligniac, sent out to alter the Charter of 1814 by decree.

His decrees, known as the July Ordinances, dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, suspended the Liberty of the press, excluded the commercial middle class from future elections, and called for new elections.

On Monday, July 26, they were published in the leading conservative newspaper in Paris, La Monteur.

On Tuesday, July 27, a revolution began in earnest, Latois des Jules and the end of the Bourbon Monarchy, Monday, July 26, 1830.

It was a hot, dry summer, pushing those who could afford it to leave Paris for the country.

Most businessmen could not, and so were among the first to learn of the St.

Cloud Ordinances, which banned them from running as candidates for the Chamber of Deputies, membership of which was indispensable to those who sought the ultimate in social prestige.

In protest, members of the Borse refused to lend money, and business owners shuddered their factories workers were unceremoniously turned out into the street to fend for themselves.

Unemployment, which had been growing through early summer, spiked.

Large numbers of workers, therefore, had nothing to do but protest, while newspapers such as the Journal destabase Le Montier and Le Constitutionnel had already ceased publication in compliance with the new law, nearly 50 journalists from a dozen city newspapers met in the offices of Le National.

There they signed a collective protest and vowed their newspapers would continue to run.

That evening, when police raided a news press and seized contraband newspapers, they were greeted by a sweltering, unemployed mob angrily shouting abusely Bourbons down with the Bourbons and Viva Lachates.

Long live the charter, Armand Carroll, a journalist, wrote in the next day's edition of Lay National.

France falls back into revolution by the act of the government itself.

The legal regime is now interrupted.

That of force has begun.

In the situation in which we are now placed, obedience has ceased to be a duty.

It is for France to judge how far its own resistance ought to extend.

Despite public anger over the police raid, Jean Henry Claude McGinn, the Paris Prefet de Police, wrote that evening, the most perfect tranquility continues to rain in all parts of the capital.

No event worthy of attention is recorded in the reports that have come through to me.

Tuesday, July 27, 1830.

Day One Throughout the day, Paris grew quiet as the milling crowds grew larger.

At 04:30 p.m., commanders of the troops of the First Military Division of Paris and the Guard Royale were ordered to concentrate their troops and guns on the Place to Carousel, facing the tilleries, the Place Vendome and the Place de la Bastille.

In order to maintain order and protect gunshops from looters.

Military patrols throughout the city were established, strengthened and expanded.

However, no special measures were taken to protect either the arm depots or gunpowder factories.

For a time those precautions seemed premature, but at 07:00 p.m..

With the coming of Twilight, the fighting began.

Parisians, rather than soldiers were the aggressor.

Paving stones, roof tiles, and flower pots from the upper windows began to rain down on the soldiers in the streets.

At first soldiers fired warning shots into the air, but before the night was over, 21 civilians were killed.

Rioters then paraded the corpse of one of their fallen throughout the streets, shouting mortar Ministry of Oscar Aristocrats death to the Ministers down with the aristocrats, one witness wrote, I saw a crowd of agitated people pass by and disappear.

Then a troop of cavalry succeeded them in every direction and at intervals indistinct noises, gunshots, and then for a time all is silent again.

So for a time one could believe that everything in the city was normal.

But all the shops are shut.

The Pont Neuf is almost completely dark.

The stupid faction visible on every face reminds us all too much of the crisis we face.

In 1828, the city of Paris had installed some 20 street lamps.

These lanterns were hung on ropes, looped on looped from one pole to another as opposed to being secured on posts.

The rioting lasted well into the night until most of them had been destroyed by 10:00 p.m., forcing the crowds to slip away.

Wednesday, July 28, 1830.

Day Two Fighting in Paris continued throughout the night.

One eyewitness wrote, It is hardly a.

08:15 and already shouts and gunshots can be heard.

Business is at a complete standstill, crowds rushing through the streets, the sound of Cannon and gunfires becoming even louder.

Cries of algae ate can be heard.

Charles X.

Tent ordered Marshall August Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, the onduty major general of the Guard Royal, to repress the disturbances.

Marmont was personally Liberal and opposed to the ministry's policy, but was bound tightly to the King because he believed such to be his duty and possibly because of his unpopularity for his generally perceived and widely criticized desertion of Napoleon.

In 1814, the King remained at Saint Cloud but was kept abreast of the events in Paris by his ministers, who insisted that the troubles would end as soon as the rioters ran out of ammunition.

Marmont's plan was to have the Guard Royal and available line units of the city Garrison guard the vital thoroughfares and bridges of the city, as well as protect important buildings such as the Pulias Royal, Pulias de justice, and the Hotel de Ville.

This plan was both ill considered and widely ambitious.

Not only were there not enough troops, but there were also nowhere near enough provisions.

The Guard Royale was mostly loyal for the moment, but the attached line units were wavering.

A small but growing number of troops were deserting, some merely slipping away, others leaving, not caring who saw them.

In Paris, a committee of the Bourbon opposition, composed of banker and kingmaker Jacqui La Fit, Casimir Perier, generals Etienne Gerard and George's Mutant, Count de Lebour, among others, had drawn up and signed a petition in which they asked for the ordinances to be withdrawn.

The petition was critical not of the King but his ministers, thereby countering the conviction of Charles X that his Liberal opponents were enemies of his dynasty.

After signing the petition, committee members went directly to Marmont to beg for an end to the bloodshed and to plead with him to become a mediator between Saint Cloud and Paris.

Marmont acknowledged the petition but stated that the people of Paris would have to lay down arms first for a settlement to be reached.

Discouraged, but not despairing, the party then sought out the King's chief Minister, Despolagnak, Jean de Arc, and Coladas from Polyak.

They received even less satisfaction.

He refused to see them, perhaps because he knew that discussions would be a waste of time.

Like Marmont, he knew that Charles Xi considered the ordinances vital to the safety and dignity of the throne of France.

Thus the King would not withdraw the ordinances.

At 04:00 p.m.

Charles Xi received Colonel Komorowski, one of Marmont's chief aides.

The Colonel was carrying a note from Marmont to His Majesty.

Sire, it is no longer a riot.

It is a revolution.

It is urgent for Your Majesty to take measures for pacification.

The honor of the Crown can still be saved.

Tomorrow, perhaps there will be no more time.

I await with impatience Your Majesty's orders.

The King asked Polignac for advice, and the advice was to resist.

Thursday, July 29, 1830 Day Three they the King and ministers do not come to Paris, wrote the poet, novelist, and playwright Alfred Davigne.

People are dying for them.

Not one Prince has appeared.

The poor man of the Guard, abandoned without orders, without bread for two days, hunted everywhere and fighting.

Perhaps for the same reason, royalists were nowhere to be found.

Perhaps another reason was that now the revolts were well organized and very well armed.

In only a day and a night, over 40 barricades had been thrown up throughout the city.

The tricolor flag of the revolutionaries.

The people's flag flew over buildings, an increasing number of them important buildings.

Marmont lacked either the initiative or the presence of mind to call for additional troops from St.

Denis, Vincent, Luneville or St.

Omer.

Neither did he ask for help from Reservists or those Parisians still loyal to Charles Xi.

The Bourbon opposition and supporters of the July Revolution swarmed to his headquarters, demanding the arrest of Polygnak and the other ministers, while supporters of the Bourbon and city leaders demanded he arrest the rioters and their puppet Masters.

Marmont refused to act on either request, instead awaiting orders from the King.

At 01:30 p.m.

The Tolerate Palace had been sacked.

A man wearing a ball dress belonging to the Duchess de Barry, the King's widowed daughterinlaw and the mother of the heir to the throne with feathers and flowers in his hair, screamed from a palace window.

J raquois jerkwa, I receive, I receive.

Others drank wine from the palace cellars.

Earlier that day, the Louvre had fallen even more quickly.

The Swiss Guards, seeing the mobs swarming towards them and manicured by the orders of Marmont not to fire unless fired upon, first ran away.

They had no wish to share the fate of a similar contingent of Swiss Guards back in 1992 who had held their ground against another such mob and were torn to pieces by mid afternoon.

The greatest prize, the Hotel de Ville, had been captured.

The amount of looting during these three days was surprisingly small, not only at the Louvre, whose paintings and objects de art were protected by the crowd, but the Tuileries, the Palais de Justice, Archbishop's Palace, and other places as well.

A few hours later, politicians entered the battered complex and set about establishing a provisional government.

Though there would be spots of fighting throughout the city for the next few days, the revolution, for all intents and purposes, was over.

The revolution of July 1830 created a constitutional monarchy.

On August 2, Charles Xi and his son, the Dauphine, abdicated their rights to the throne and departed for Great Britain.

Although Charles had intended that his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, would take the throne as Henry V, the politicians who composed the provisional government instead placed on the throne a distant cousin, Louis Philippe of the House of Orleans, who agreed to rule as a constitutional monarch.

This period became known as the July Monarchy.

Supporters of the exiled senior line of the Bourbon dynasty became known as legitimates.

The July Column, located on the Place de la Basil, commemorates the events of the three glorious days.

This renewed French Revolution sparked an August uprising in Brussels and the Southern provinces of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, leading to separation and the establishment of the Kingdom of Belgium.

The example of the July Revolution also inspired unsuccessful revolutions in Italy and the November uprising in Poland two years later.

Parisian Republicans, disillusioned by the outcome and underlying motives of the uprising, resulted in an event known as the June Rebellion.

Although the Insurrection was crushed within less than a week, the July Monarchy remained doubtfully popular disliked for different reasons by both right and left and was eventually overthrown in 1848.

Thank you for joining Bite At A Time Books Behind The Story Today while we answered some of the questions you have about one of your favorite classic authors, all of the links for our show are in the show notes.

Our show is part of the Bite At A Time Books Productions network.

If you would also like to hear a story by the author we are currently featuring, check out the Bite At A Time Books podcast.

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