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Basis of Unity: Vancouver Tenants Union
Episode 17625th March 2025 • Blueprints of Disruption • Rabble Rousers' Cooperative
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"The Tenant Class is Here" and they are a force to be reckoned with.

Vancouver Tenants Union organizers Asura Enkhbayar and Ben Ger provide insight into their work building power from below, some of it in neighbourhoods with the highest concentration of renters on the continent. The variety of campaigns they’ve got going on doesn’t just speak to the complexity of issues facing tenants, but also to the value of a decentralized organization that’s able to respond locally, as needed.

They also share the journey their organization has gone on over the past decade, and how tough lessons led them to a Basis of Unity and a new way forward.

Hosted and Produced by: Jessa McLean

Call to Action: Donate to the Park Beach Tenants Legal Fund

Related Episodes:

  • Shifting Gears is a discussion w/Climate Justice Toronto on their own transition from an environmentalist grassroots org to one focused on supporting tenant organizing in the City.
  • Voices for Unhoused Liberation is an interview with unhoused organizers and activists in Toronto.
  • Tenant Power: a playlist of episodes that would have landlords shaking in their boots.

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Transcripts

::

Greetings, friends. My name is Jess McLean,

and I'm here to provide you with some blueprints

::

of disruption. This weekly podcast is dedicated

to amplifying the work of activists, examining

::

power structures, and sharing the success stories

from the grassroots. Through these discussions,

::

we hope to provide folks with the tools and

the inspiration they need to start to dismantle

::

capitalism, decolonize our spaces, and bring

about the political revolution that we know

::

we need. The tenant class is It's here and

it's not just this small number of like, you

7

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know, the average of 30 % or kind of like 50

% maybe. Depending on where you are, it is

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the vast majority of people. The tenant class

certainly is here and we are about to hear

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from two people organizing towards some incredible

goals to that very end. The Vancouver Tenants

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Union is in our studio. They're going to provide

some insight into the work that they do building

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power from below. in neighborhoods where they've

got some of the highest concentration of renters

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on the continent. The variety of campaigns

they've got going on doesn't just speak to

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the complexity of issues facing tenants, but

also to the value of a decentralized organization

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that's able to respond locally as needed. Now,

they've been at this for over a decade, but

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their approach has shifted over those years.

Some very hard lessons had to be learned, a

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lot of reflection, and in the end, they came

out the other side with a basis of unity to

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be proud of and really a new way forward. In

the same way they hope newer members can lean

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on what the VTU have already been through, I

hope their story can serve as a cautionary

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tale for organizers listening in, particularly

when it comes to what they have to say. about

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engaging with electoral politics. Before we

jump right into the discussion, I want to remind

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folks that we do rely almost entirely on word

of mouth to grow our audience. Sharing the

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episode on your social media feeds is one easy

way to help us out. You can also leave a review

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on whatever platform you're using to listen

right now. Lord knows the algorithm owned by

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billionaires. is not going to boost our show.

So we need you for that. On that note, let's

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hear more about that tenant class from Ben and

Asura. Welcome gentlemen. Can you introduce

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yourself to the audience, please? Ben, do you

want to start? Hi, my name is Ben. I'm an

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organizer and member of the Vancouver Tenants

Union. And I'm here with, my name is Asura.

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I'm also an organizer here in Vancouver. I

live in the West End and I've been with the

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union for... two, three years. The union itself

is about five years old. I was scoping out

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the website. if it's almost a decade, you guys

got to update your website or maybe it was

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in your basis of unity and you're talking about

the history, which we'll get into later. But

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we've talked to quite a few tenant unions on

blueprints of disruption, but never quite one

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with so many chapters. Would you consider yourself

a coalition of tenant unions? You know, the

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union certainly has a priority of of promoting

autonomy within the Union. But we make a clear

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distinction of this autonomy within the Union

as opposed to autonomy from the Union. We

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try to be quite closely tied together and that's

sort of a challenge that we're constantly facing,

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but we do have principles that we all abide

by, a sort of common set of values, and we

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all learn from each other and try to get together

as much as humanly possible. something closer

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or more akin to a network than a coalition,

I would say, it's still one organization. And

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I think as you just mentioned, I think it's

really important that you also just mentioned

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the basis of unity. I think there are critical

pieces that try to maintain kind of like coordinate

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and like create at least some form of a unified

front while we're also exploring autonomy and

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kind of like letting chapters explore their

own needs, know, the particular kind of like

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circumstances, the neighborhoods in Vancouver

differ a lot depending kind of like organizing.

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will change, the needs will change depending

on what kind of part of the city you're in.

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And I imagine, you know, folks want to choose

different tactics, perhaps based on the type

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of landlord that they're facing. Before we started

recording, you mentioned one of the challenges,

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we'll use the word challenges, that you face

is adapting to different kinds of landlords.

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Can you talk about that a little bit, how campaigns

might differ or where there's, you know, give

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an example of a particular type of landlord

that is a struggle to go up against perhaps.

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In terms of categorizing the types of fights

the union gets into, I would say at a baseline,

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what the union is most focused on is organizing

what we call tenant collectives, other places

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called tenant associations or tenant unions

of their own. The name that's happened to

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come up here is collectives, just buildings,

you know, people who are fighting against their

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landlord with multiple units all sort of tying

together. But it's not the only type of fight

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we do. Uh, we, also do, uh, some, we call

neighborhood fights. These are, you know, in

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Vancouver, are neighborhoods like the West End,

like I sort of said, or, or maybe just calling

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with the have a lot more of these apartment

buildings. Uh, but there's also tons of neighborhoods

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in the city, in the same city that are mostly

single family, like residential neighborhoods

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where the type of fight that we're taking on

is between a basement suite renter and their

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landlord. And trying to figure out how to collectivize

that into a neighborhood fight is, a totally

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different ballpark. Especially because sometimes

the landlords aren't these massive corporate

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landlords. Sometimes they're these quote unquote

good mom and pop landlords who in reality are

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oftentimes sometimes the worst, the most abusive.

And maybe they own a couple other units, maybe

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they're on the same street, maybe they're not,

but you're having to sort of navigate a different

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terrain. And the last type of fight we do is

what we call site fights, which we've primarily

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done in coalition with other organizations so

far, but this is like a One big one in the

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city is called 105 Keifer. It's the type of

fight where the lot is empty and a developer

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is trying to come in and turn that into, let's

say luxury condominiums. 105 Keifer was a

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site fight in Chinatown that's been going on

for, my God, itself almost a decade or something

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like this that keeps coming up over and over.

But Chinatown and the downtown East side are

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both part of what at times has been referred

to as the poorest postal code in Canada or

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North America. I don't think it is right now,

but it's a neighbourhood pretty deeply entrenched

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with poverty and they've been trying to build

really expensive luxury condominiums there

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for quite some time. We've seen a couple of

those types of fights in Toronto. Vancouver

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has a lot of renters. According to the data

you folks were sharing, 50 % I think the nationwide

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average or in Ontario in general, it's 30%.

But you know, looking at Vancouver, 50 % is

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a lot and like 60 % of the housing in Vancouver

are... rentals. I don't know how that math

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works out, but it does. Those are incredible

numbers. I got a smile when I was reading one

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your folks were quoted in a CBC article that

you would love to have a rep in every building.

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And I thought that gave me a big smile. That

is the idea, right? Could you imagine being

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able to mobilize 50 % of the residents of Vancouver

when needed? That's a dream, isn't it? You

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folks have quite a few members already. Like

we're looking at over 2,000, you said? I think

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we're over 3,000 now. You guys got to update

your website for sure. You got way more to

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brag about. Like my notes are all out of date,

but tell me more about what it looks like right

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now and how fast it's growing in Vancouver.

This idea of organizing as tenants, because

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I think some people maybe a few years ago saw

this as unimaginable to kind of gain these

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kinds of numbers or especially to think of a

rep in every building and point person in every

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neighborhood. So where are at now with the Vancouver

tenant union? would also just quickly like

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to add to the 50 % number. It's really interesting

to these numbers are important because they

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obviously describe the averages, but Vancouver

also has the West End. we are currently in

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the West End. matter of I live in the West End

and the West End has 80 % rent areas. And the

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West End is the densest neighborhood in Vancouver.

I actually do believe that it's the densest

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renters neighborhood in North America because

we just have these, a lot of six story, seven

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story, older apartments, but also in the 67

days they built a lot of kind of like towers,

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like rental apartment, purposeful like rental

towers. And I think it's important to acknowledge

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that the tenant class is... It's here and it's

not just the small number of like, you know,

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the average of 30 % or kind of like 50 % maybe.

Like depending on where you are, it is the

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vast majority of people. I think it would be

the dream to have a lead or kind of like an

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organized building and like an organization

of kind of like a tenant collective in every

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building. And I think we're really hopeful.

This last year especially has been... very

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exciting for the union. There's a lot of growth.

As Ben said, we're now over 3,000 members.

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But also there's really an exciting part about

that growth is that it's not only growth in

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terms of of like members joining the larger

union, but also chapters, which is beautiful

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to see that new neighborhoods end up kind of

like trying to come together, having their

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first chapter meetings, finding a building.

Often these kind of like new developments might

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be rooted in a concrete building and they're

gonna specific fight against kind of like a

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landlord, an issue, foreign issue. But I think

we are also having cases where, I don't know,

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like members move across the city into a new

neighborhood or meet friends, neighbors, and

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just decide to start slowly building a chapter

and kind of like joining this fight. I don't

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know, is it a dream to have at some point somebody

in every building? Sure, I mean, I think it's

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a dream to have as many people who are actively

involved in the union as possible. think one,

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because then we can, you know, like you said,

mobilize people for these big type of fights.

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The union has been doing a lot of thinking as

well about our conception of moving from here

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to liberation, whatever that looks like for

everyone. But for us, it's really laid out

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in our basis of unity. This idea of tenant control,

community control over buildings, this idea

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of a world without rent, a world without landlords.

And to get there, we have to imagine what

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that world would look like at least a little

bit, how decisions would be made, both on

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an individual building level, which requires

some level of tenant organization everywhere,

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but also on a neighborhood level, where tenants

from various buildings can come together and

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discuss how they want their neighborhood to

look and change and build. That's rooted really

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in... in working class and poor people's experiences

and struggles and keeping people in their

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neighborhood and in their communities if they

want to. And so to do that, I think, you know,

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this is where this sort of idea of having reps

in every building, of building these neighborhood

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chapters come in. It's sort of a prefigurative

idea of what decision-making could look like

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if it wasn't so based in, you know, the colonial

government. You know, if City Hall here...

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wasn't the one who were calling all the shots,

but the people in their own neighborhoods collectively

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through direct democracy were able to do this

sort of work. And so that's what the union

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is really working towards in a long-term goal.

And we take that day by day and step by step.

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So yeah, I can't see a problem with the idea

of having more people and more buildings that

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are actively engaged in their local chapters.

Oh no, like even when you run a political campaign

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and the idea is to at least get a point person,

you know, doesn't necessarily be an institution

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behind it, but just someone, a contact that'll

let you know when something's going on, when

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there's enough disgruntled people to kind of

get in there. And that is not unattainable

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at all. No, no, you folks can definitely do

that. And Toronto organizing is on fire right

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now. In Montreal, there was just a conference,

a housing justice conference. folks, it's

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growing just as a tactic, right? We've broken

away from labor being the only way that we

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can organize ourselves. Quite rapidly, it feels

like, or at least like I am discovering how

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the growth of it in the last year and a half.

obviously, know, folks have been around for

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10 years, you've already laid a lot of groundwork.

I feel like Ben, when you were just talking

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there, you're kind of leading me into one of

the campaigns, moving is not an option. You

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talk about staying in the neighborhood if you

want to or need to, right? Like if moving

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isn't an option, but you also talked about the

bureaucracy and the institutions that we're

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up against. And quite often, you know, there

are legal avenues. We have the Landlord Tenant

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Board. You folks have the RTB, right? Similar

thing, it's loaded against us, very difficult

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to get victories, not impossible, but very hard

and expensive. So tenant unions, right?

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And like, you know, not allowing, if you agree

that are a way to bypass these institutions

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where we don't need to rely on legal victories.

Because I feel like, you know, maybe you could

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take us through Abby's story, but part of it,

I'll spoiler. is that yeah, that there was

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a loss at the RTB, but that certainly hasn't

stopped the campaign or you folks insisting

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that Abby be allowed to stay, right? So it wasn't

the be all end all. Do you wanna talk about

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that campaign and what it represents for your

group? This is one of those neighborhood style

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campaigns that we were talking about. So Abby

lives in a basement suite in a home. She's

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been there for 17 years. Her landlord lives

directly above her. Abby, you know, self describes

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as a senior with disabilities and she's on a

fixed income and her landlord over the last

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year has slowly been, you know, sort of pushing

her about the idea of moving out and then lo

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and behold, delivered this rent increase to

her, legal rent increase to her of over 40%.

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I think it was 42 % or something like this.

And when Abby refused, And to clarify, this

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is before Abby was involved with the union.

Her refusal wasn't even a full blown, you know,

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I'm not paying this. I'll pay the maximum allowed,

which is like 3 % or something like this. She

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refused and agreed still to a 20 % rent increase

with the landlord, which she regrets, but she

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felt really pressured. She didn't know what

to do. She thought she would lose her home.

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And this is a common experience amongst a lot

of tenants, but this didn't satisfy the landlord.

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you know, this landlord was furious with her.

She remained upset with her. From that moment

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on, the relationship was completely fractured.

And lo and behold, a couple of months later,

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received an eviction notice for landlord use,

which in BC is quickly rising. And I think

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at this point, it's certainly the most rising

cause of tenant evictions after there's been

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some regulations of renovation evictions or

rent evictions, as we call them. You know,

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Abby receives this clearly bogus eviction order.

When they get to the RTB, which is like our

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quasi court for tenants, the landlord story

changes. It's now about how she has a foot

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injury and she needs to live on the basement

floor, the ground floor. Meanwhile, the same

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landlord goes dancing for multiple hours twice

a week and is also quite active, know, walking,

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walks her dog every single day, even though

there's other people in the house that could

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do this for her. So she lives an active lifestyle,

you know. Whatever, maybe there is an injury,

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who knows, but it's clearly not enough to justify

evicting someone who's been living in their

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neighborhood, deeply tied to her neighborhood

for almost two decades. And who would essentially

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be forced maybe out of their neighborhood or

even face homelessness, right, with that fixed

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income and the way that rents have risen. Totally.

the board, right? Like that's the reality.

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It's not just you have to find a new place

to live. Sometimes it means there is almost

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no option left for. for folks like Abby? 100%.

I mean, Abby says it quite often that she says

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that moving would quite literally kill her.

And it's real, know? Like, Abby suffers from

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a lot of different disabilities that cause chronic

pain, very serious chronic pain for her. And

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yeah, you know, there's community that can help

her to a degree, but even just packing up her

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stuff, which is a deeply personal experience.

This has been really damaging to her and being

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able to not only physically move, but find new

services. She has a lot of local services that

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she relies on, her RMT. That's her community.

We have every right to stay in our communities.

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When I first saw that campaign, I didn't actually

realize it was for an individual. It really

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isn't just for Abby that that campaign is for.

But just that phrasing, housing, that moving

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is not an option, I think would resonate with

so many people, describes the situation and

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that power struggle and the not understanding

what your rights are. Like some people would

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have just walked away when the landlord said,

you got to be out of here, you should be out

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of here because they can't deal with that toxic

situation that sometimes arises out of that

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or the abuse. of landlords after that, because

that's really what it is, right? They almost

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torment you into leaving. And people anticipate

that. And so they're just like, oh, you know,

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I'll just get out of here. It's not a fight.

But knowing there's a union around, maybe,

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you you're not a part of, but you know it's

a thing. You know you've seen people fighting

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back against landlords because that's the biggest

mental barrier I think some people have. These

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are, you know, if you're to be evicted, you're

to be evicted. You know, like that's it. It's

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a done deal. Even if you know about the RTB,

you know, some people might not, but you don't,

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and you know how bad it is. But, you know,

it's just a game changer, I think, having

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tenant unions, especially one as strong as

yours. But we've seen folks really get fired

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up simply from galvanizing around a landlord

trying to enter a unit without proper notice.

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You know, it seems like a small thing. It's

a thing. Tenants have to deal with all the

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time and we just usually complain to each other

a little bit like that fucker, you know, I

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didn't even know they were coming in and my

cat is loose and you know, like all kinds of

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things just inconveniences, but it stems from

that power imbalance. And so instead of just

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approaching the unit bickering with the landlord,

there's like six or seven people standing there

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reminding them, we know our rights, we will

defend each other. And like that kind of. sits

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with landlords as much as it sits with tenants,

which is nice to see them squirm like that.

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Do you have any other campaigns that you think

really personify the work that you do or you

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want to highlight for folks? As mentioned earlier,

talk about the West End. 80 percent. Yeah.

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In the future, be a site of a lot of fights,

especially very particular type of fight.

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We are slowly building towards more and more

cases where multiple buildings, multiple tenant

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collectives come together to fight. single landlord,

their common landlord. And especially in the

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West End, think we have, you might've also

seen it on the website. It has been one of

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the major campaigns now for almost a year.

The Park Beach tenants, Park Beach tenants

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collective fighting their quite awful landlord,

Plan A, real estate services. Plan A basically.

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Plan A is, might be one of the worst landlords

ever that we're dealing with. Plan A itself

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is... Not a corporate landlord, exactly. It's

not kind of like the, not a REIT, it's not

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kind of like one of those big organizations

that just kind of like, often our experience,

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we see that these, biggest corporate landlords

kind of try to play by the books. We were just

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truly shocked by Plan A's very shocking tactics

that genuinely have been, I think, taking

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not only the tenants but... think some of the

organizers by surprise about how outrightly

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evil and harmful and direct these of like threatening

tactics, the harassment, all the different

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ways of trying to basically suppress any kind

of like, not only collective efforts once we've

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started to fight back, but also at an individual

level of kind of like genuinely not attempting

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to hide intentions here, praying for the most

vulnerable. To describe the tactic briefly,

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it's plan A will buy up. very particular type

of apartment building. Typically two to three

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floors, maybe four. Often they will basically

try to very quickly get through the long standing

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tenants, get rid of them. And then obviously

kind of like try to slowly also turn those

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units into, to kind of renovate them, break

them up into smaller units, increase the number

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of beds, increase the number of rooms. They

definitely run a lot of illegal Airbnb's.

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Like in one case there that we found a building

where We met someone who was staying at one

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of the units for a month and they were being

charged $10,000 for the single month's as an

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Airbnb stay, which is illegal for the short-term

rentals, but the city doesn't care. There's

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no real enforcement by any government. On top

of that, I mean, like, makes it very clear

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why he would want to evict people. You move

from making maybe $1,100, $1,200 on these long-term

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tenants to $10,000 overnight. a month. Or in

other cases, he would then continue to lease

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places out to a lot of times new arrivals

in the city. that be international students,

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maybe workers, but again, preying on people

who might not be familiar with their rights,

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who might not have established communities,

who might not have friends or even family

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to just support them. It's truly shocking at

how also efficient and how well it works because

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the city does not care about it. The city has

known about Plan A's behavior for 10 years.

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We've had MLAs supporting previous prior

buildings at rallies and kind of like stepping

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up and declaring their support. But what we

effectively see is that Plan A has been allowed

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to continue what they've been doing for the

last 10 years while basically the city politicians

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are watching on. I hear you talking about some

support you got from MLAs. but I can't help

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but I'm gonna go back to your basis of unity.

We've kind of, we dabble in it. We're gonna

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dabble in it because it's got, know, trying

to get an idea of your ideology going through

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your website. And again, another big smile when

you reject a lot of things. A lot of things

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are worded like that. Even on the front page,

you know, we reject. speculative market or

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housing that should be a commodity. I mean,

you've said all that, but it also says very

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explicitly, we reject electoral politics. As

do I. I mean, I try to humor it every now and

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again because there are comrades that want to

take that route and let them be. However, I

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will not spend my energy there. And I think

that's exactly how you folks, oh no, I have

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the whole quote. We reject electoral politics.

Our power is wasted when we direct it towards

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reformist compromises with capital and real

estate power, which is basically your city

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council, right? Power is never conceded from

above, only seized from below. I love your

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basis of unity. I can understand, however, how

it's hard to onboard people with these. Some

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of them seem unachievable and, you know, really

far left. I mean, where we're at, which is

261

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fine, that... The language isn't always the

best, but from people just entering because

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they hate their landlord, not because they want

a revolution. They're like, whoa, I don't

263

::

know if I'm there yet. We'll get there. But

I love how you folks have basically structured

264

::

yourself around taking the steps to get there.

You're not going for free housing at the moment,

265

::

even though that is your number one point under

basis of unity. Housing should be free. Do

266

::

want to talk about the steps that you are taking

to get people there or to get us collectively

267

::

there to the idea that housing shouldn't be

a commodity? support that Sor is referring

268

::

to from provincial MLAs is from previous fights

that the VT was not involved in with this landlord.

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So highlighting how Plan A has been a menace

in the city for a very long time and that before

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the union even existed, you know these these

provincial legislators were coming to tenants

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::

who had organically organized autonomously to

fight their landlords and offered support but

272

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with you know no real change they weren't able

to save those tenants those tenants themselves

273

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ended up all being evicted that that whole building

is now also expensive airbnbs that both the

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province and the city are totally aware of and

extremely ugly and extremely ugly they look

275

::

they look like shit Um, which yeah, who would

have guessed when you put the design of a city

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::

in the hands of some loser billionaire guys

that they would make it look like shit. The

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::

building equivalent of the cyber truck. Yeah,

exactly. It's actually a good comparison. Yeah,

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Nazi building. So the, the union's attitude

towards politicians and their ideas of change

279

::

or bringing people along with this sort of stuff.

It's a big question. Yeah. I mean, the union

280

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went through a very long period of exploring

these ideas ourselves that got us to this point,

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::

you know, when When the union was first starting

off, spent a lot of time doing electoral work.

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There was a lot more centralized control in

the union, would say. And those who did sort

283

::

of have the reins really focused the union's

efforts these ways. But we had almost nothing

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::

to show for it, know, by the end of it all.

There's an article on our website, I think

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::

it's called, What Did Four Years at City Hall

Get Us? You know, we mobilized a ton of people

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::

to come out constantly to win small legislative

reforms. And the result was one, either they

287

::

were watered down by the policymakers who were

all themselves funded by developers beyond

288

::

recognition, or two, they were passed. And then

the bureaucrats, this massive bureaucracy

289

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inside of the colonial state, which is all trained

themselves by developer-funded industries

290

::

and institutions and schools that are all paid

for by Landlord BC or I can't remember the

291

::

development. It doesn't matter. There's a development

is developers institution that also funds the

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::

schools. They like completely refused to implement

the reforms. They would say, oh, we're studying

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them. We're studying them. We're studying them.

And they would never come back. Like truly

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never. You mean things that were passed by council.

Yeah. Oh, that. How do you go back and like

295

::

that is so rough to have like those victories,

right? And then we try to like take moment

296

::

and celebrate our victories and then only to

just reassess a few months later to see. Maybe

297

::

they weren't after all I mean you gotta find

little bits to celebrate but that's that's

298

::

rough to hear that. There's that level of gatekeeping

beyond winning you know the bylaw. And the

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reinforcement issue you mentioned like that's

common in a lot of cities where they get renovation

300

::

victories it might not look exactly like their

proposed renovation bylaws but they get one

301

::

but then no room in the budget at all for increased.

enforcement when enforcement was already an

302

::

issue for like small, not small landlord issues,

right? Like they're not already behind in responding

303

::

to tenant complaints, but then they add new

laws, but don't add any new bylaw officers

304

::

or training. It's just, it's on paper only.

Yeah, a hundred percent. mean, I would go

305

::

as far as to call it legalized and institutionalized

corruption, right? Like people's ideologies

306

::

from the moment that they're trained before

they even step into the office is corroded.

307

::

and built around ideas of free markets and

capital over the lives of human beings, this

308

::

constant prioritization of property and profits

over people. And so there's sort of an institutional

309

::

refusal to implement any of this stuff because

from a baseline, they believe it's all bad.

310

::

They can only do bad. And you're right, like

not having the space to celebrate hurt the

311

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union. We spent over a year, four years doing

this sort of stuff. And the result was we

312

::

shrunk. We mobilized at each time hundreds

of people to come out to City Hall and total

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::

probably thousands of people to come out and

speak at City Hall motions. got things passed,

314

::

but I mean the reality on the ground is things

are still bad. You know, they're worse than

315

::

they've ever been. We maybe have like a municipally

mandated buyout system, which just helps facilitate

316

::

displacement rather than stop it. But you know,

I think we all had to take a second and really

317

::

reevaluate what we were doing. And that sort

of led to the creation of the basis of unity,

318

::

which is largely based on our experience. Like

reading that document, it's mostly a history

319

::

of the union's struggles. And so our approach

now to electoral politics is, I mean, I think

320

::

still evolving and complicated. We try to promote

a diversity of tactics within the union, but

321

::

we have hard lines. I think one of them is

that we don't do lobbying work. and we don't

322

::

do policy advocacy, but within the scope of

a actual campaign that is focused on direct

323

::

action, if the tenants want to do this rather

than the union at large voting to do this,

324

::

we treat this as an opportunity for people

to learn. Tenants have the autonomy and the

325

::

ability to self-govern the types of actions

that they learn. We will inform them about

326

::

our experience and what we believe is likely

to happen. But if tenants want to do it, we're

327

::

not going to totally stop them. As long as they're

not, you know, signing the union's name onto

328

::

some sort of support for a candidate or something

like this, which is also a big no-no. We don't

329

::

support parties and we don't support candidates.

This is all in the process of people learning.

330

::

I think what we've realized is that it's important

not to lie to people and to set people's expectations

331

::

correctly so that when they do go to the MLA's

office, like has happened in Park Beach, the

332

::

campaign of SORA was referring to, and the MLA

basically tells them to be thankful for the

333

::

work that they've already done and to piss off.

they feel like they know what they can do next.

334

::

Well, this person doesn't care about us. We're

not going to give our power away to them. What's

335

::

our next move? How do we keep confronting the

landlord? I think I would like to add to that

336

::

as a newer member of the union, as a newer organizer,

this is really interesting because I think

337

::

that is one of the takeaways for me has been

the importance of education and also the context

338

::

here. Internally, for newer organizers, who

might not have been around for those initial

339

::

years, through that painful learning curve

there. We have a way to hopefully learn without

340

::

going through all the same pain. But sometimes

it is hard because as Ben said, it's a colonial

341

::

state that is built on the idea of ownership

of corporations and extraction of wealth

342

::

from the working class. And that means that

each one of us is also kind of like, I am

343

::

entering this based with the same ideas of,

shouldn't politicians help? Shouldn't city

344

::

council care about this? And it's really interesting,

I think, as an organizer, as a new member,

345

::

as an active member in the union to go through

this learning experience. But it's also really

346

::

helpful because it is also what happens in,

I think, each new struggle with the tenants.

347

::

And this fine line of kind of like people,

like it isn't, we as a union are kind of like

348

::

firmly on the back, kind of like autonomy is

important to the union. And that means even,

349

::

know, tenants can make the choice to go through

painful learning experiences. That happens

350

::

on so many levels, you know, it's just like

even thinking of a political revolution, like

351

::

you don't want to have to get to the point where

it's so bad that people realize there's no

352

::

other choice. Like, couldn't we just get where

we need to be politically without getting

353

::

into the dire circumstances that people usually

have to live under in order to, feel oppression,

354

::

know where it's coming from and move together

on it. Like if we could just fast forward through

355

::

a few steps. But you know, when you're trying

to, I mean, not trying to, but naturally politicizing

356

::

people. Yeah, there has to be sometimes baby

steps or it's like a canon event. I went in

357

::

and out of the NDP, you know, in the same way

as you folks learned your lesson. I probably

358

::

took the same amount of time learning my lesson.

And I feel like I can warn people away as best

359

::

I can or explain exactly how it works. So if

you want to go in, you're at least a little

360

::

bit more well equipped to do it. And I won't

say I told you so. I will still be here to

361

::

hug you when you come out and we will move

forward at that point together. yeah, some

362

::

people just need to take those steps. They have

to experience those canon events to be radicalized

363

::

to use their language, right? And yeah, so that's

when support systems are important or having

364

::

a veteran there going, okay, you know, I will

also answer a few of your questions to help

365

::

you, but you know, with this warning that please

don't waste too much energy there, you know,

366

::

and brace yourself. A hundred percent. We've

had this sort of experience of trying to get

367

::

The sort of, I guess, struggle of trying to

figure out how people learn is core to, I think,

368

::

the experience of the union. And we've been,

you know, I think going through multiple rounds

369

::

of trying to figure this out. for me, I think

what I've learned most is that, you know, for

370

::

better or for worse, greatest teacher is struggle.

People learn in campaigns, whether it's their

371

::

own building that's going through a fight or

it's, you know, a new organizer from another

372

::

building who is, you know, learning. by supporting

these tenants who are going through their own

373

::

building site. The system just lays itself bare,

you know? The contradictions become extremely

374

::

clear. An important check on the union to make

sure that we don't go this way too much of

375

::

every single time new members join the union,

they're pulling us back towards trying to

376

::

do electoral work or something like this, is

we are grounding the ability to do this type

377

::

of... of work to maybe go have a conversation

with a politician in building struggles. It

378

::

has to be out of an organizing campaign. It

can't just be like a group of members who are

379

::

completely detached from the struggle and the

work on the ground, the actual organizing,

380

::

who just go out and say, we're going to now

spend all of our time mobilizing as many people

381

::

across the city to write letters asking for

a minor tweak to a policy. I think helps

382

::

keep the union focused on direct action and

on a revolutionary trajectory. But we still

383

::

have a lot of work to do on this. Like it's

not working perfectly. You know, there is struggle

384

::

within the union. And I think one thing that

we learned this year, every year we do like

385

::

a visioning where everyone from across the union

comes together to what we call name the moment,

386

::

something like a tradition we got from Los Angeles

Tenants Union, and then talk about how we want

387

::

to move forward in the moment that we're in.

And something that I think was named was that

388

::

we need to have more orientation across the

union. When people come in, there needs to

389

::

be something like a tank, the Oakland tenants

union. have cohorts when they join, they do

390

::

activities together. They get to know each other.

People build a sense of community and connection

391

::

from the get-go. And they're also oriented a

little bit towards the union's ideology. Um,

392

::

how we view the world, the kinds of work we

do, the kinds of work we don't. All that to

393

::

say that it also can change. are democratic

mechanisms. The union is based in direct democracy.

394

::

If people want to change the way we do stuff,

you can do that at a general members meeting.

395

::

You know, there needs to be some level, some

additional level of education that's happening,

396

::

I think from the get go that everyone has identified

as a need. Oh my God, that would fucking horrify

397

::

me if there were a group of tenants who decided

they would not not only spend their energy

398

::

on electoral politics in this moment. but in

organizing around one of your AGMs to make

399

::

you also spend your energy. I think like I

would like to talk to those people if there's

400

::

anybody considering those moves. Just like a

few minutes, really kindly, like just please

401

::

no. So like that's my worst case imaginable,

you know? You want to go on the inside political

402

::

parties and reshape them, I'm like go have at

it, but. Don't fucking go to a revolutionary

403

::

type organization and try to water them down.

mean, we got, we got words then, you know,

404

::

just maybe share this episode with them. Certainly.

think what we found more is it's less people

405

::

in buildings that are doing that and more like

individual, more liberal minded activists who

406

::

will join the union and then try to pull it

into a new direction. The buildings I think

407

::

learn from their own experiences more than.

these sort of ideologues who come in with an

408

::

idea of how change happens. I think this is

really important because this truly isn't

409

::

just about ideology. This truly isn't just about

the revolution. It's just the real experience

410

::

that we help more tenants, we focus on direct

action and do not talk to politicians. It's

411

::

just pure pragmatics. That's where you get

a lot of burnout. Like you talked about shrinking

412

::

and if you don't have victories, obviously

that's one thing. But people can even go stretch

413

::

stretches without victories and still feel

like they're building towards something. But

414

::

those campaigns are just so uninspiring. You

you're begging. It goes back to that one point

415

::

in the basis of unity and, you know, we talk

about it on blueprints is that, you know, you're

416

::

seizing power from below. You're not begging

for scraps. You know, you're not asking, pleading

417

::

this presumption that people who are city councillors

or MLAs or MPs don't know, don't know that

418

::

there's a housing crisis. They don't know that,

you know, folks are being evicted without

419

::

any sort of resolution. And they know, they

know that the planet is burning. They know

420

::

all these issues. It's even more, right? I think

maybe like a quick tie into a new campaign

421

::

that we are currently starting. It's also very

interesting. we are now currently starting

422

::

to, hopefully going to be launching a UBC chapter.

So the University, the Endowment Lands, a

423

::

lot of people are not aware but UBC lives in

this quite awful, shocking space where the

424

::

little protection that some of the tenants in

BC are enjoying do not exist on UBC because

425

::

on Endowment Lands several years ago, the

think the University Neighborhood Association

426

::

in a vote decided to not abide by the RTA and

just roll out their own framework. So housing,

427

::

all the student housing, and it's not only

student housing, is basically not regulated.

428

::

What? And currently a group of students, families,

staff, basically tenants on campus are getting

429

::

together and starting to fight back because

UBC has been, I think the numbers are actually

430

::

Two years ago, 7%, last year, 5%, and this year,

5 % again. Rent increases way above the provincial

431

::

guidelines, which is insane. There's just an

entity that is basically not only providing

432

::

the housing to these people on campus, but they're

often also their employers. They have control

433

::

over the scholarships, which means they have

control over the immigration status. I've been

434

::

basically talking about it as UBC is a feudal

lord. on the endowment lens. You don't even

435

::

have politicians to give your power away to

because UBC is also essentially the government

436

::

over there. They make the choices. So the

politicians, you can cower before them and

437

::

still UBC is the one who decides how much your

rent increases, how much time they're going

438

::

to give you on your eviction notice. They don't

abide by any of the law. so, yeah, I'm realizing

439

::

it was when you said kind of like that they

know city council, these politicians, it's

440

::

beyond that, right? UBC is a very clear example

of like not only are they aware of what's going

441

::

on, they're the people who put it in place.

I think it's very important to kind of like

442

::

be openly, we need to name the enemy. It's like

there are people in power who put the current

443

::

system in place, who designed it the way it

is, or keeping it the way it is. I agree with

444

::

you, it is absurd to then go there and pledge

and kind of like ask for help when actually,

445

::

yeah, these people put it, designed it that

way. Like we are in this place because of that.

446

::

Yeah, that's why I use the quotations when I

say housing crisis, not because I don't believe

447

::

we have a problem, but it's just designed that

way. And so even, yeah, your decision to not

448

::

really involve yourself in policy discussions,

like even the idea of like, okay, what could

449

::

we convince or make part of the next campaign?

You know, I mean, political campaign or electoral,

450

::

get it on as a campaign issue, voting issue.

And it's just like that, are just, you you

451

::

spend a lot of energy there and it's like tiny

little band-aids. Or like you said earlier,

452

::

like you'll have a great idea, great policy

item that might actually have some impact,

453

::

but it doesn't end up that way. You know, on

the, the, when it gets spit out the other end,

454

::

whatever institution it goes through it and

they're all landlords. And, know, UBC being

455

::

the feudal example, that is a great comparison.

A lot of your counselors are landlords or

456

::

like you mentioned earlier, completely funded

by developers. And then the city itself, like

457

::

in Ontario, I'm not sure if it's the same where

you folks are, like our municipalities can't

458

::

run a deficit. Like you have to balance your

budget. And the way that they're structured

459

::

is they're financially dependent on developer

fees and the money that comes in from letting

460

::

them develop any which way they want to. Right.

And they the threats are they'll just stop

461

::

building and they do that. So there's like so

many layers. So yeah, I was kind of being generous

462

::

when I was like, oh, they know, and they just

don't do the right thing. Like they are actively

463

::

contributing to the situation and then sitting

with people face to face, like groups of 10

464

::

and just like lying to them and making promises

they probably never intend to keep. And yeah,

465

::

you don't want to watch comrades go through

that over and over again. I feel you there,

466

::

man. When you say like, we can't keep, we'll

give you space to do that, but please, you

467

::

know, let's, yeah, I feel that. completely,

but UBC students are so vulnerable when it

468

::

comes to housing to think they don't have regulations

there. Can you help me understand that a little

469

::

bit more? I know we were supposed to do that

briefly, but I'm kind of confused. Who voted

470

::

to not regulate the housing, the landlords?

I think as far as I understand, it's called

471

::

the UNA. It's the University Neighborhood Association.

This is another learning experience, I think,

472

::

for the union. The union has been interested

in organizing campuses for a while. But there's

473

::

inherent challenges because also the way Vancouver

is designed with, we have UBC, SFU, the two

474

::

bigger universities at the two far ends. I think

it's basically 40 kilometers between the two

475

::

campuses. And both of them are in places that

are really remote. And it's quite a challenge

476

::

for a union that is so kind of like rooted

in neighborhood organizing, in place-based

477

::

organizing to then try to talk to students who

might be commuters. who are living in precarious

478

::

situations. they're in housing and residence,

they might actually be intending to leave after

479

::

the first year. Yeah, they're not really invested

in that as like a community sometimes, right?

480

::

And we are now increasingly facing the situation

that the issues are just so rampant that we

481

::

need to do something about it. The tenants

are coming together to do something about this

482

::

and we are slowly learning. So your question

is just inherently tied into this kind of

483

::

like beast of UBC governance and its history.

which is obviously also tied into the colonial

484

::

system in a very deep, deep, and kind of like

defining way. And the UNA is I think basically

485

::

the land owners association. The UNA is the

neighborhood association that is made up of

486

::

those people who bought. Yeah, the landlords,

right? Landlords and they basically vote. They

487

::

get to vote. on the kind of public facilities

they built because these places are also just

488

::

communities. Families live there, UBC staff,

they're students. There's real life and community

489

::

going on, but the people making the decisions

are the landlords. And the UNA is extremely

490

::

powerful and to my understanding, I think it

was 20 years ago, so not quite recently, they

491

::

had a major vote and apparently had the power

to decide not to abide by provincial tenancy

492

::

law. It must be part of a provincial act or

something that was granted, like some autonomy

493

::

that was granted to them. But I think, you know,

we're learning about this now as we're dealing.

494

::

Some fucking private members bill that nobody

really paid attention to maybe at one point,

495

::

you know, and it didn't even make sense. Like,

what? And then you understand the implications

496

::

of it after the gobbledygook gets filtered through

to something in real life. And you're like,

497

::

shit. What? You know, like how did that get

through city council? But then again, you know,

498

::

we already answered how that got through city

council, right? Or provincial legislature.

499

::

Well, same thing. You're probably right. Yeah.

Yeah. Also just to kind of like throw out a

500

::

number, UBC's development arm, I think it's

just the development arm, has an endowment

501

::

of $2 billion. UBC is also a massive developer.

That's so ugly. The last episode we aired was

502

::

just about how university administrators colluded

with the province in Alberta mostly, but also

503

::

all over the place to violently evict student

encampments. So I already had a bone to pick

504

::

with university administrators, but this, I

wonder how many universities have similar situations

505

::

like that. Maybe not. exactly having no regulations,

but just student housing. The issues inherent

506

::

with that, it's almost similar to trying to

organize precarious workers or commuting workers.

507

::

Like there's such high turnover as well, right?

Like every four, you know, you don't even have

508

::

the one tenant to fight with you all that long

because they do move on for the most part.

509

::

But what a shit situation. Like who's going

to take the onus on to fix that? And the answer

510

::

is You know, you will, you know, like a tenants

union that realizes perhaps the value in fighting

511

::

for neighborhoods that they don't live in because

there's difficulties in organizing that neighborhood,

512

::

right? Like if folks can lend a hand on that

UBC campaign, lend some resources and people

513

::

power and expertise, you know, but yeah, I can

understand why that is a bit of a hurdle,

514

::

albeit an important one to get over. does seem

like there is a real appetite amongst a lot

515

::

of these people to to do something. There was

already a campaign. think part of the reason

516

::

why a lot of people are coming to the Union

now to try and fight this is that ASURA was

517

::

involved in a campaign where the Union was supporting,

along with some migrant justice groups. We

518

::

got together to support an Indigenous mother

who UBC was trying to evict in her family.

519

::

And we won. And I think a lot of people saw

that moment as a sort of crack in the shell

520

::

of UBC's totality. the idea that they are able

to choose everything that happens on campus

521

::

and we have no power at all because they're

so big, they're so futile in their sort of

522

::

setup. But you know, with just a campaign put

together, like a letter writing campaign, essentially

523

::

what we call an emails app. Was it an emails

app or a phones app? It was both. It was an

524

::

emails app, a phones app, but also honestly

a massive shout out here to MSU, which is Migrant

525

::

Students United. Some amazing organizers there

took over and takeaways are the same ones over

526

::

and over again. What secures us the wins is

direct action. Yeah, so these MSU folks helped

527

::

the tenant and marched into UBC housing's office

and demanded to talk to the president to the

528

::

person in charge and Long story short that

it got us the win. So the tenant is still there

529

::

So, you know this kind of stuff it works. It

really really works It's what we see over and

530

::

over whether we're fighting for better conditions

inside of buildings to stop evictions to stop

531

::

demolitions We get real wins when tenants stick

together and they act directly against the

532

::

landlord. Victories are contagious. you know,

whatever bits of that you can pull out and

533

::

celebrate and learn from, mean, absolute value

for more than just the people that were directly

534

::

involved. Before we wrap up, though, I did

and I don't see it in my notes, but I do remember

535

::

reading it and wanting to give you folks credit

for including a very broad definition of what

536

::

a tenant is. I believe it's defined by anybody

who doesn't have control over their housing.

537

::

And obviously that includes folks who have

no housing at all or very precarious housing.

538

::

And I think it's important that you make that

distinction obviously and include those fights

539

::

in your fights. But it's, it brings up the

kind of that same troubling question with

540

::

calling ourselves the working class and then

it just by vocabulary excluding people who

541

::

don't work. So it's important when we talk about

tenants to understand it more broadly than

542

::

just the people who are paying rent, you know,

on a consistent basis. that it is more than

543

::

that, but as long as you do treat it that way.

Because when we talk about the working class,

544

::

we say, oh, it includes everybody, right? It

includes children, people who can't work, disabled

545

::

folks, but sometimes we don't actually include

them in our fights and demands. And so then

546

::

the working class actually starts to become

looking like actually it just means the working

547

::

class. So are you able to do meaningful organizing

towards maybe campaigns that are focused on

548

::

unhoused community members? This is a good question.

mean, to maybe as a first bit of homage, know,

549

::

this sort of understanding of the tenant class

as being anyone who doesn't have control over

550

::

their housing, I think comes both from, you

know, learnings from Indigenous elders inside

551

::

of the movement, as well as our comrades down

south in the Los Angeles Tenants Union who

552

::

I brought up. previously already, you know,

they've really been impactful on our development.

553

::

Some of their members like Don't, were up here

for our founding convention as well and helped

554

::

us get set up. So really this cross border

solidarity was built in from the beginning

555

::

and they brought up these sort of conceptions

of the tenant class needing to go beyond just

556

::

people who are in that sort of traditional

understanding of our rent relationship. to

557

::

those who are, let's say, being evicted from

their tents on provincial parkland. In these

558

::

situations, there's no distinction between a

private landlord and the state who happens

559

::

to be the landlord and is governing people's

individual lives on a day-to-day basis. The

560

::

union has been involved in struggles to stop,

know, decantments and things like this. part

561

::

of a number of different coalitions. with

other community groups as well. There's one

562

::

coalition called Stop the Sweeps that the union

was a founding coalition partner in. That

563

::

coalition has sort of gone on to become its

own organization in some ways, but a lot of

564

::

the core members came from the VTU and still

identify as members of the union as well.

565

::

but have more autonomy than just being subject

to its coalition partners desires, which we

566

::

actually really prefer. And I think during

a number of different fights, union members

567

::

are the ones on the ground often trying to

support people in their fight against the

568

::

cops, the enforcement arm of these provincial

landlords essentially. taking the opportunities

569

::

also to try and educate the membership about

how our fights are tied together. There actually

570

::

is no distinction. I mean, there's the clear

material distinction of whether or not you

571

::

are housed or not, but the class is the same.

Every tenant that we organize in a building

572

::

is one rent check away from being on the street,

but the enemy remains the same. It's still,

573

::

in the larger sense, the system of private

property in the capitalist mode of production.

574

::

I think in the union, part of the way that

we've grown to understand also how we expand

575

::

these definitions of who we're organizing the

working class or some other group is by

576

::

trying to frame the work we do around the type

of labor that we're organizing. In the case

577

::

of labor unions, they're often organizing productive

labor. In the case of tenant unions, our task

578

::

is to organize reproductive labor. the people

who are keeping the home and the community

579

::

functioning. And this includes both housed

and unhoused members of the community who do

580

::

work every single day to make sure that the

streets are clean, to make sure that people

581

::

are fed and the kids are taken care of. People

who are typically excluded for systemic reasons

582

::

from the labor movement, for example. Migrant

workers who maybe don't have status or women

583

::

who are raising the children in the home whose

labor is invaluable whatsoever. or unhoused

584

::

people, again, who are doing street cleaning

programs, like the work that happens at Van

585

::

Do, the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users,

who are part of coalition work that we do also

586

::

towards the ends of, yeah, housing everyone

and also drug user liberation. I would say

587

::

that the biggest fights that we've been involved

in or that members have been involved in,

588

::

but I would like to give the total credit

to Stop the Sweeps, the group that we're a

589

::

part of. is most recently the decantment fight

for the Hastings tent city, which happened

590

::

a couple of years ago. But I think people learned

a lot through that experience, which ultimately,

591

::

unfortunately, resulted in a loss where the

city came down with like an unbelievable amount

592

::

of police force in order to sweep people off

the street. But it was an extremely pivotal

593

::

and radicalizing moment for a lot of people

in the city who sort of saw a state power laid

594

::

bare, the power of private property really laid

bare. And I think both of our organizations,

595

::

Stop the Sweeps and the VTU have only grown

since those moments and want to keep fighting

596

::

for liberation for all of us. Because if it's

not all of us, it's none of us. A lot of our

597

::

episodes have these great examples of authorities

really clenching their fists and cracking

598

::

down and it only... seems to mobilize folks.

mean, there blows. It's not to minimize those

599

::

losses. like, those are real material losses

for people too. But it does just galvanize

600

::

people a lot more than I think they anticipate.

And they end up actually being the root causes

601

::

for a lot of folks' work out. Because Toronto

experienced a very similar moment. And I feel

602

::

like that was like two or three years ago. a

particularly violent encampment eviction that,

603

::

you know, I'm not sure anybody has tried to

defend one in that same way since because

604

::

it was so traumatizing and unsuccessful in that

way. But surely I've seen a spike and we've

605

::

had, we have Voices for the Unhoused here

in Toronto, which is a type of union for unhoused

606

::

people or people within the shelter system.

Yeah, hearing how they reshaped or grew from

607

::

what was meant to be a devastating blow, right?

It was designed to, because sometimes they're

608

::

not even about clearing the park, right? It's

about sending a message to the entire community

609

::

as well. Those sweeps. Totally. Yeah. I mean,

we've seen, we've seen now, uh, stop the sweeps,

610

::

organizations crop up across all of BC. Previously

it was just in Vancouver and since then, members

611

::

from South Pacific have been going to Kelowna,

Nanaimo, to all these different places to work

612

::

with people who are establishing mutual aid

networks, support networks, organizing networks

613

::

in order to defend these tense cities. So it

has led to growth. And like you said, these

614

::

moments of increased repression are dialectical.

They also produce increased resistance. And

615

::

I think that's what makes this time that we're

all in so exciting. It's scary. You know,

616

::

we're facing real possible fascist forces.

And at the same time, a lot of people are sort

617

::

of waking up to the reality and getting involved

in the struggle. And the more of us that are

618

::

closer together, the more tenants and house

people see their struggles as one, the better

619

::

chance we have at beating the next tent city

eviction, the better chance we have at winning

620

::

the next rent strike or holding down the next

squad. These are the ways is when we work

621

::

together and there's more of us in this space.

Asura, do you have any kind of parting words

622

::

you want to leave the audience with? Yes, just

very similarly. I'm really excited to hear

623

::

that, you even you saying that you kind of

like are feeling somewhat of a moment for

624

::

tenant organizing. It's kind of nice to hear

that also this, I think I'm relatively new,

625

::

so I feel kind of like not sure about the larger

context, but I basically agree. think what

626

::

is the main thing for me is like it is giving

me personally a lot of hope. And I think that

627

::

is. It's a very beautiful, important thing

to have something to hold onto that also provides

628

::

hope in a very real way. I'm not going to try

to sit here and just be kind of like, we're

629

::

just talking about, you know, a vision, an idea.

No, this is like a real kind of like, this

630

::

work is meant to be kind of like leading us

to a different place to change. That's why

631

::

I really am excited about also some of these

conversations with you. conversations with

632

::

our comrades. I think this was set up initially

through a conversation with, I think, the

633

::

folks in Ottawa that you had. And seeing these

kind of collaborations that, you know, it's

634

::

like in the neighborhood, in the city, we are

talking across province, we're talking across

635

::

Canada, we're crossing borders. And it's beautiful.

It absolutely is beautiful. I talk a lot to

636

::

organizers, activists, we talk about a lot of

issues, but I, the The feeling I get from leaving

637

::

tenant union discussions and hearing about

the growth and victories and even hearing about

638

::

the barriers, right? Cause that's learning being

done. I get like, I feel like a buzz because

639

::

like, know, the whole purpose of what I do is

right, is to give people hope in that there's

640

::

other actions out there other than the ballot

box, right? That your fate is not in the hand

641

::

of politicians, it's in your hands, right? And

I think tenant organizing is one of those spaces

642

::

and that they're growing in such a time that

they won't mimic colonial institutions. We

643

::

know better than that now, right? Where labor

unions do, our political parties do for the

644

::

most part, right? But these are new and they're

growing in such ways that really do give us

645

::

examples of what it might look like after we're

done all of this, right? And it gives us an

646

::

idea of. you know, even if we're a voting bloc,

you know, if you can just try to imagine, let's

647

::

say you're not at revolution yet, all right?

But could you imagine 80 % of people in a neighborhood,

648

::

the power, like let's say it does rest on the

ballot box for you, like just imagine harnessing

649

::

that level of power, right? And yes, it's not

just a dream. You are like, it's a dream to

650

::

be in every building. Like you guys are really

living that work, right? Well, you'll get there.

651

::

And I think very shortly, because as things

get worse, people are going to start to look,

652

::

for solutions that mean something and the right

is not offering that. And that kind of like

653

::

angry outlet and is not going to give them

victories or make them feel good in the same

654

::

way that connecting with their community members,

you block by block, door by door, whatnot,

655

::

the way that that feels, right? You naturally

come together like that, then you naturally

656

::

feed into these kinds of ideas. It just kind

of, it happens, right? Especially if you...

657

::

hold on to one another and support one another

and it's not like this desperate grasping at

658

::

one another. It's stronger than that. So like

I totally appreciate the work that you folks

659

::

are doing. That's hard work and spending time

in the studio explaining it to us all. I really

660

::

appreciate it because my guess is most people

listening right now are tenants and not every

661

::

one of them is in a tenant union yet, right?

But they'll get there. They'll get there.

662

::

So thank you very much, Ben and Asura. And

shout out to your entire tenant union. I would

663

::

love to hear more about the migrant students

union too. So maybe you folks can like pass

664

::

it. This is how I get my interviews, right?

Like you guys start bragging about all these

665

::

great people you work with. And then it's like,

I got to talk to them too. If they've got lessons,

666

::

we need to know what they are. Right. So, you

know, for folks listening. you will find ways

667

::

to contact these folks and learn more about

them in the show notes, including their, I

668

::

mean, we didn't give it much justice. Their

basis of unity is really a good read. Honestly,

669

::

it sounds like a boring document, like when

you're like, Oh, we'll learn about their structure

670

::

and stuff like that. But I was, I was getting

a little bit giddy ready. You know, maybe that

671

::

makes me a commie nerd. I don't know, but it

was fun and it was fun discussing it all with

672

::

you. Thank you very much folks. Thank you, Jessa.

Thank you so much for having us. That is a

673

::

wrap on another episode of Blueprints of Disruption.

Thank you for joining us. Please share our

674

::

content, and if you have the means, consider

becoming a patron. Not only does our support

675

::

come from the progressive community, so does

our content. So reach out to us and let us

676

::

know what or who we should be amplifying. So

until next time, keep disrupting.

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