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Hello y'all.

2

It's me.

3

It's me.

4

It's Dr.

5

G.

6

The late 1970s for many Americans, it was

a decade that felt of immense decline.

7

The ghosts of Vietnam still

haunted the national psyche.

8

The shame of Watergate had

eroded faith in the government.

9

The economy was crippled by stagflation,

that unholy marriage of stagnant

10

growth and soaring inflation, A term

that entered the lexicon to describe

11

an economic nightmare in the energy

crisis, saw cars lined up for blocks,

12

sometimes for hours just to get gasoline.

13

A stark symbol that

America was now vulnerable.

14

President Jimmy Carter in a now

famous speech, spoke of a crisis of

15

confidence that was gripping the nation.

16

It was against this backdrop of anxiety

disillusionment and a palpable sense of

17

drift that a powerful, countercurrent,

conservative, long building beneath the

18

surface surged into full view, something

that we call the conservative revival.

19

How did a nation that had for decades

largely embrace the liberal consensus?

20

Forged by FDRs new deal and expanded

by LBJs great society find itself now

21

turning so decisively to the right, what

were the intellectual seeds, the social

22

anxieties, and the political strategies

that fueled this triumph of the right?

23

As our textbook chapter aptly calls it.

24

Today we're gonna explore these questions.

25

Hearing the voices of those who

championed this change, those who

26

resisted it, and those who were caught

in its transformative wake as Ronald

27

Reagan, the man who would become the

charismatic, standard bearer of this

28

movement, declared in his first inaugural

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In this present crisis, government

is not the solution to our problem.

30

Government is the problem.

31

End quote.

32

This single powerful sentence

encapsulates a fundamental shift

33

in American political philosophy.

34

It wasn't just a critique of

current policies, it was a direct

35

challenge to the very role of

government that had been dominant.

36

For nearly half a century, since the

very depths of the Great Depression,

37

this declaration signaled a new era, but

its origins as we see were far from new.

38

They were deeply rooted

in the American past.

39

The conservative movement that swept

Ronald Reagan into the White House in

40

1980 wasn't a sudden apparition conjured

41

It was the culmination of

decades of intellectual work.

42

Political organizing and a

growing multifaceted reaction

43

to the perceived excesses and

failures of modern liberalism.

44

To understand the new right, we have

to listen for echoes from earlier

45

American battles over power and identity,

as well as the role of government.

46

The story of the conservative

revival is in many ways a story of

47

old arguments, finding new voice

and words as well as new urgency.

48

Consider the legacies of reconstruction.

49

The period following the Civil War was a

radical experiment in redefining American

50

citizenship and the balance of power

between federal governments and states.

51

The amendments, the 13th, 14th, and 15th

amendment specifically aim to secure

52

the rights of formally enslaved African

Americans, and as historian and Eric Ner

53

notes, the 14th Amendment in particular

represented, quote, A profound change in

54

federal state relations by empowering the

federal government to protect citizens'

55

rights against states' infringements.

56

However, reconstruction was met with

fierce conservative resistance, often

57

framed in the language of state's rights.

58

And as a defense against federal

overreach opponents argued that

59

federal intervention was an

unconstitutional imposition, an attempt

60

to create an unnatural social order.

61

This rhetoric, which successfully

dismantled reconstruction.

62

And rolled back.

63

Many of the federal protections for

African Americans didn't disappear.

64

It became a durable and adaptable tool for

conservative movements throughout the 20th

65

century with varying levels of success.

66

The same arguments used to resist federal

efforts to ensure racial equality in

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the 1870s were echoed during the civil

68

1960s to oppose desegregation mandates.

69

The new right, growing up in the 1970s

and then forging in the eighties, then

70

broadened this appeal to states' rights

in limited federal government to encompass

71

critiques of economic regulation,

social welfare programs, and federal

72

involvement in education, drawing on a

long historical precedent of skepticism

73

towards centralized federal power.

74

We can also look to the Gilded Age

of the 19th century, this era of

75

unprecedented industrial growth

and technological innovation,

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the rise of mass of corporations.

77

You know, the Carnegies, the

Rockefellers, and the Vanderbilts.

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The dominant economic philosophy was

laissez-faire capitalism, a belief that

79

the free market with minimum and minimal

government interference would naturally

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produce the most efficient outcomes.

81

The debates from this period over

corporate power, the need for

82

regulation from the government,

wealth disparity, and the social

83

responsibilities of capital never

fully subsided, nor were they settled.

84

The new right would later selectively

echo the gilded ages, calls for

85

deregulation and free markets arguing

much like their 19th century predecessors,

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that less government intervention

unleashes economic prosperity.

87

However, this revival of laissez-faire

88

reignite concerns about income

inequality reminiscent of the

89

gilded ages, stark social divisions.

90

The most direct ancestor of modern

conservatism, however, was the overall

91

reaction to FDRs new deal in the 1930s.

92

The Great Depression was a

national trauma that led.

93

A fundamental reshaping of the American

government's role and the new deal

94

created a social safety net, social

security, unemployment insurance, federal

95

aid programs, and dramatically expanded

federal power to regulate the economy

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far from laissez-faire principles.

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For many conservatives at the time,

this was an alarming development.

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Republicans and wealthy business

leaders criticized the new deal for

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excessive government intervention for

the high costs, and even drew some

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parallels of FDR to Soviet communism.

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This opposition rooted in the principles

of limited government, individual liberty

102

and fiscal prudence became a foundational

element of the conservative movement that

103

would gain strength in the post-war years.

104

Finally, the post-World War II and

Cold War eras provided another crucial

105

ingredient, a fervent anti-communism.

106

The global struggle against the Soviet

Union justified a strong national defense

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and assertive foreign policy in a deep

suspicion of ideologies perceived as

108

collectivists or threatening American

capitalism and traditional values.

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These themes would become central

to the new right in the R and

110

administration's worldview.

111

The fear of external communist threats

sometimes blended with anxieties.

112

About the internal social

changes, creating a potent mix

113

for conservative mobilization.

114

The simmering discontent of

these historical echoes needed

115

intellectual articulation and

political champions to coalesce into

116

a movement, and this took decades.

117

Several figures and institutions

however, were pivotal in

118

finally becoming successful in

breaking into the mainstream.

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William F.

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Buckley, Jr.

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In his magazine.

122

The National Review, which was founded

123

role, Buckley and urbane and witty

intellectual aimed to make conservatism

124

intellectually respectable.

125

I.

126

His mission statement for the

National Review famously declared

127

that it was, quote, Stan's a thwart

history yelling Stop at a time

128

when no one is inclined to do so.

129

End quote, Buckley brought together

disparate strands of conservative thought

130

free market capitalism, libertarianism,

social traditionalism, and crucially.

131

A robust anti-communism.

132

He also understood the importance of

gatekeeping working to exclude extremist

133

elements like the John Birch Society and

overt anti-Semites from the mainstream

134

conservative movement, thereby enhancing

its credibility and respectability.

135

Then there was Senator Barry

136

The Conscience of a Conservative became a

sacred text for this burgeoning movement.

137

It passionately advocated for

individualism, the sanctity of private

138

property, a staunch anti-communism,

and warned against the dangers of

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continued centralized federal power.

140

Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign

ended in a landslide defeat to LBJ,

141

but it was a critical organizing

moment for many conservatives.

142

His defiant acceptance speech at

the Republican National Convention

143

included lines that became a rallying

cry for the next few decades.

144

Quote, extremism in the defense of

liberty is no vice, and let me remind you.

145

Also that moderation in the pursuit of

justice is no virtue End quote, to many

146

moderates, this sounded like radicalism,

but to conservative activists, it

147

was an electrifying call to arms, a

rejection of compromise with what they

148

saw as an encroaching liberalism of the

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neutralized the more liberal wing.

150

Of the Republican party, and

significantly he won five states in the

151

deep south, a traditional democratic

stronghold up until that point, and

152

this signaled the beginning cracks

in the old political order, and it

153

foreshadowed the southern strategy that

would later reshape American politics.

154

Another key intellectual figure was

Fred Meyer, a senior editor at the

155

National Review Meyer articulated the

philosophy of fusion is an attempt

156

to unite the often competing impulses

of traditional conservatives who

157

emphasize virtue and social order

with libertarians who pr prioritize

158

individual freedom and free markets.

159

My essential argument as outlined

in several works, but specifically

160

in the defense of freedom.

161

Was that quote, virtue could reside

only in the individual and that the

162

state should protect freedom, but

otherwise leave virtue to individuals.

163

End quote, this intellectual

framework was crucial.

164

It provided a common ground for economic

libertarians, wary of government

165

intervention in the marketplace, as

well as social traditionalists concerned

166

about secularism and the decline of moral

absolutes to unite against an expansive.

167

Secular liberal state, which

they both saw as a threat.

168

This fusion was a key component in

forging the political viable coalition.

169

Of the new rights, and we cannot

forget the grassroots energy,

170

particularly from young people,

the young Americans for Freedom.

171

The YAF founded in 1960 at Buckley's

Estate in Connecticut adopted the

172

Sharon Statement as its declaration

of conservative principles, YAF.

173

Activists were the foot soldiers of

this early conservative movement playing

174

a vital role in Goldwater's campaign

and in cultivating a new generation of

175

conservative leaders who had come to

prominence in the decades that followed.

176

Now that we backtrack a little bit to some

of the conservative roots that are going

177

to coalesce into the new right, we really

have to understand the liberal zenith of

178

the 1960s and the early cracks in order

to understand how they all came together.

179

The 1960s, the focus of our previous

episode witnessed liberalism reached

180

its apex with LBJs Great Society

landmark legislation like the Civil

181

Rights Act and the Voting Rights

Act dismantled legal segregation.

182

Programs were instituted like

Medicare and Medicaid aimed to provide

183

healthcare for the elderly and the poor.

184

The Elementary and Secondary

School Act represented the first

185

major federal investment in public

education and the war on poverty.

186

Through initiatives like the Economic

187

to create pathways out of poverty.

188

Yet this very expansion of government

power and social reform began to

189

generate significant backlash.

190

A new group of intellectuals known

as neo-conservatives emerged.

191

Many like Irving Kristol were former

liberals who had grown disillusioned

192

with what they had perceived as the

unintended negative consequences

193

of great society programs.

194

The excesses of the new left

and the weakening of American

195

Resolve in the Cold War.

196

Crystal argued that Neoconservatives

were not hostile to the idea of a welfare

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state and principle, but were deeply

critical of the Great society version of

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it, whose legislation and programs were

over reaches of the federal government

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and often proved to be counterproductive.

200

Simultaneously, the triumphs of the

civil Rights movement, while morally

201

imperative and long overdue, provoked

a white backlash, particularly among

202

some white southerners and working class

whites in the north, who felt their

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status and security were threatened.

204

Richard Nixon and his campaign strategists

skillfully exploited these anxieties.

205

They used coded language

like law and Order, and they

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appealed to the silent majority.

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And this became Nixon Southern

strategy aiming to woo white voters

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who were uneasy about rapid racial

change and federal desegregation

209

efforts, particularly busing.

210

This began a long-term political

realignment as the once solidly

211

Democratic South started to shift

toward the Republican party.

212

Adding to this volatile mix

were the profound social and

213

cultural revolutions of the 1960s.

214

The rise of the counterculture

sexual revolution, challenges to

215

the traditional family structures,

widespread experimentation with drugs

216

and fervent anti-war protests were

deeply unsettling to many more Americans.

217

They view these changes as evidence of

moral decay at the heart of America.

218

A breakdown of the societal order and

a rejection of the cherished values.

219

This created a fertile ground for

political movement that promised

220

to return to traditional values

and a restoration of that order.

221

The stage was being set

for a dramatic shift.

222

If the 1960s were a period of tumultuous

upheaval and for many optimistic change,

223

the 1970s often felt like a decade of

decline, a period of national malaise

224

as President Carter would later term it.

225

This pervasive sense of gloom,

further eroded faith in liberal

226

solutions and meticulously paved the

way for a conservative resurgence.

227

The decade was punctuated by

a series of crises that shook

228

American competence to the core.

229

Like we talked about last episode, the

specter of the Vietnam War loomed large.

230

This long, divisive war finally

231

victory Americans had come to expect.

232

It left a bitter legacy of over 58,000

American lives lost deep societal

233

divisions, a question of American

military power and moral authority,

234

as well as profound skepticism

towards government pronouncements.

235

Martin Luther King Jr.

236

In his Beyond Vietnam speech delivered

237

warned of the war's devastating

impact, not just abroad and at home.

238

I.

239

King's words prove tragically prophetic,

the immense cost of the Vietnam War,

240

both in human lives and financial

resources, diverted attention from

241

funding the urgent domestic problems.

242

This critique that excessive foreign

entanglements drained resources from

243

domestic national needs would later

be echoed by conservatives, arguing

244

against what they termed as big

spending liberalism, albeit often

245

with different priorities in mind.

246

Then came Watergate.

247

The scandal, which unfolded between

248

Nixon's resignation to avoid impeachment,

shattered public trust in the presidency

249

and government institutions revelations

of widespread political espionage.

250

The coverups abuse of power at

the highest levels fostered a deep

251

cynicism among the American populace.

252

This cynicism created.

253

Fertile opening for political candidates

who promise to restore integrity,

254

honesty, and crucially to reduce the

power of a federal government that many

255

viewed as inherently untrustworthy and

acting beyond the bounds of the law.

256

Economically, the nation was adrift.

257

The post World War II economic miracle,

which had fueled the affluent society,

258

seemed to sputter and stall Americans face

the bewildering and painful combination

259

of high employment and runaway inflation.

260

Stagflation prices of everyday

goods soared while wages

261

stagnated and jobs became scarcer.

262

This economic malaise defied traditional

economic solutions, which had largely

263

guided policy since the New Deal and many.

264

We're led to question the efficacy of

liberal economic management and solutions.

265

Compounding these economic woes was

the energy crisis twice in one decade.

266

In 1973, and again in 79, the

oil embargoes led to skyrocketing

267

fuel prices and memorably.

268

The long frustrating lies at gas stations.

269

These crises brought American

dependence on foreign oil and its

270

broader economic vulnerability home

in a very tangible and unsettling way.

271

It underscored a new sense

of limits, a feeling that

272

American abundance and autonomy.

273

We're no longer guaranteed

274

out of this pervasive

gloom and disillusionment.

275

The new right emerged not just as

an intellectual current, but as a

276

potent organized political force.

277

It was a coalition of previously

distinct groups who found common cause

278

in their opposition to contemporary

liberalism and their desire for a

279

different direction for the country.

280

This coalition is often described

as resting on three legs of a stool,

281

the first being fiscal conservatism.

282

These were individuals and groups,

including many business leaders in a

283

growing number of ordinary citizens

who advocated for lower taxes.

284

Reduced government spending,

particularly on social programs and

285

widespread deregulation of the economy.

286

They were frustrated by high

taxes, persistent inflation, and

287

what they saw as a burdensome

government filled with regulations

288

that stifled the economic growth.

289

Individual initiative.

290

The second leg was social conservatives,

often referred to as the religious right.

291

This rapidly going and highly

mobilized segment was deeply

292

concerned with by what they perceived

as the moral decay of the nation.

293

The.

294

Key catalyst for their activism

included the Supreme Court's.

295

1973 Roe v.

296

Wade Decision legalizing

abortion nationwide.

297

The removal also of organized

prayer from public school.

298

There was rising divorce rates, the

perceived decline of the traditional

299

family, and the growing visibility and

assertiveness of the gay rights movement.

300

A pivotal figure in mobilizing this

group was the Reverend Jerry Falwell,

301

a Baptist minister, and televangelist

302

Falwell articulated the frustrations

of many religious conservatives when he

303

said quote a few years ago, we were told

that religion and politics don't mix.

304

We were told politics is dirty business.

305

You fellows run your churches and will

run the government, and they've done that

306

right in the ground in our country today.

307

I never really believe that a

Supreme Court of this country

308

would legalize abortion on demand,

which I totally agree with.

309

The Roman Catholic Church is murder.

310

End quote.

311

Falwell's call to action was a

direct rejection of the notion

312

that religion should remain

confined to the private sphere.

313

He and other religious leaders,

the the religious right men like

314

Pat Robertson, who founded the

Christian Broadcasting Network, and

315

the later Christian coalition frame.

316

Political engagement now

as a moral imperative.

317

Their goal was to restore traditional

family values as they put it,

318

to fight against what they saw

as societal evils, like abortion

319

and pornography, and to reassert

Christian morality into public life.

320

I.

321

Added to this was another highly effective

mobilizer of social conservatives.

322

Phyllis Schafly, her organization, the

Stop, ERA, stop Taking Our Privileges.

323

She led a remarkable, successful

grassroots campaign against the

324

ratification of the Equal Rights

Amendment, which had been on the verge

325

of ratification in the early 1970s.

326

Schlafly argued that the ERA rather

than liberating women would actually

327

strip them of existing protections

and undermine traditional gender

328

roles in the family structure.

329

In her 1972 manifesto, what's

wrong with Equal Rights for Women?

330

She family asked quote, why

should we lower ourselves to

331

equal rights when we already have

the status of special privilege?

332

End quote.

333

Schlafly's argument resonated powerfully

with women who valued traditional

334

homemaker roles and feared that

the ERA would lead to undesirable

335

social changes, such as women being

drafted into combat, the erosion

336

of alimony and unisex bathrooms.

337

Her campaign was a masterclass

in grassroots organizing and

338

effectively halted the era's momentum.

339

Still to this day, not ratified, and

it demonstrated the political power

340

of mobilized social conservatives.

341

The third leg of the new right

was comprised of national

342

security conservatives.

343

This group, which included

many neo-conservatives.

344

Advocated for a strong military,

an assertive staunchly, anti-Soviet

345

foreign policy, and a rejection of

346

They believed the United States

needed to project strength on

347

the global stage to counter the

perceived threat of Soviet expansion.

348

A clear indicator of the

anti-government sentiment during

349

this period was the tax revolt.

350

This movement gained national

attention with the passage of

351

California's Proposition 13 in

352

drastically cut property taxes.

353

It was a landmark victory for fiscal

conservatives and inspired similar tax

354

cutting efforts nationwide, singling a

widespread public desire for lower taxes

355

and a smaller government footprint.

356

Themes, the new right would

champion with great success.

357

Crucially, the new right also

began to attract a new group

358

of voters, Reagan Democrats.

359

These were traditionally democratic

voters, often white working class union

360

members, particularly from industrial

regions in the north and the Midwest.

361

They became increasingly disillusioned

with the Democratic Party, which they

362

perceived as having shifted its focus

towards minority rights, to social

363

liberalism and a foreign policy they saw.

364

As insufficiently strong for the

world today, these voters felt their

365

economic concerns were being ignored.

366

As stagflation and de-industrialization

soared and social programs seem

367

to disproportionately benefit

others to the detriment of them, I.

368

Issues like rising crime rates.

369

Court ordered busing

for school integration.

370

Affirmative action policies fueled

their anxieties and furthered their

371

resentments as democratic pollster.

372

Stan Greenberg found in his

influential study of these voters.

373

In Macomb County, Michigan,

they quote no longer saw the

374

Democratic Party as champions of

their working class aspirations,

375

but instead saw them as working

primarily for the benefit of others.

376

The very poor feminists, the

unemployed African Americans,

377

Latinos, and other groups.

378

End quote, Ronald Reagan's message

of economic optimism, traditional

379

values, patriotism, and a

strong America resonated deeply.

380

With this and other demographics

just mentioned, leading to a

381

significant crossover vote that

would be instrumental in the sweeping

382

Republican victories in the 1980s.

383

This was not a mere political shift.

384

This was a.

385

Cultural and class-based realignment

driven by a potent combination of economic

386

insecurity and cultural anxieties.

387

I know it took 27 minutes to get here, but

we cannot understand the Reagan revolution

388

this morning again, in America without

understanding how conservatism worked.

389

The optimistic slogan from Ronald Reagan's

390

essence of the era that he ushered in.

391

His decisive victory in 1980, and even in

larger landslide in 84, Harold did what

392

many had called the Reagan Revolution,

a period that sought to fundamentally

393

reshape the American economy.

394

Its foreign policy, and the very role of

government in the lives of its citizens.

395

Now, Ronald Reagan was a former actor.

396

He was also the former governor

of California, and he possessed

397

a unique ability to connect

with the American people.

398

His optimistic demeanor, his powerful

communication skills earned him the

399

moniker of the great communicator.

400

He also had an unwavering belief

in American exceptionalism, and

401

these were key to his appeal.

402

He promised to restore American

strength, but maybe more importantly,

403

to restore pride in the country and

the prosperity that they perceived

404

was a drift and decline in the 1970s.

405

His 1980 campaign themes

were very clear and direct.

406

Lower taxes reduced government spending

with the notable exception of a massive

407

military buildup for the Cold War,

but also a revolutionized economy, a

408

strong national defense to confront

head-on the Soviet Union and a return

409

to traditional American values.

410

He tapped into a deep well of frustration

and a yearning for change that I

411

spent the majority of this episode

412

In his first inaugural address,

he laid out the philosophical

413

cornerstone of his presidency with that

unforgettable line that I started with.

414

In this present crisis, government

is not the solution to our problem.

415

Government is the problem.

416

This was more than just rhetoric.

417

It was a clarion call of

the Reagan revolution.

418

It signaled a dramatic departure from

the post New Deal consensus that had

419

largely accepted and even embraced an

active role for the federal government.

420

In addressing social and economic issues.

421

At the heart of the Reagan

domestic agenda was a bold and

422

controversial economic philosophy.

423

Popularly known as Reaganomics and

intellectual underpinning of Reaganomics

424

was supply side economics, often

associated with the Laffer Curve.

425

Economist Arthur Laffer famously argued.

426

Reportedly sketching his curve on a napkin

for Ford administration officials, Dick

427

Cheney and Ronald Donald Rumsfeld in 1974.

428

That high tax rates actually discourage

work, investment and production,

429

thereby reducing overall tax revenue.

430

I.

431

The theory posited that cutting tax

rates, particularly for businesses and

432

higher income earners, would incentivize

them to invest more, create more

433

jobs, and stimulate economic growth.

434

This increased economic activity in turn

would lead to overall higher tax revenues.

435

Even at lower rates, a concept critics

often derided as trickle down economics.

436

The first major legislative victory

for Reaganomics was the Economic

437

Recovery Tax Act of 1981, the ERTA.

438

This landmark bill enacted a phased

in 25% cut in individual income

439

tax rates over three years with the

top marginal rate of income falling

440

significantly from 70% to 50%.

441

The ERTA also provided substantial

tax breaks for corporations including

442

accelerated depreciation for investments.

443

This was followed by the Tax Reform

444

the top individual income tax rate

to 28% and simplified the tax code.

445

Alongside these tax cuts, the

Reagan administration aggressively

446

pursued deregulation across

a wide range of industries.

447

Price controls on oil and gas were lifted.

448

Restrictions on the financial

services industries were

449

reduced, notably with the Gar St.

450

Germaine Depository Institutions Act

451

savings and loans associations,

enforcement of environmental

452

regulations such as the Clean Air Act.

453

Were relaxed and public lands were opened

up for more oil drilling and logging.

454

The overarching goal was to

reduce the perceived burden of

455

government on businesses and to

promote free market competition.

456

A defining moment for the Reagan

administration's stance on labor

457

came early in August of 1981 with the

PATCO strike when the professional air

458

traffic controllers organizations, one

of the few unions to endorse Reagan

459

in 1980, they went on strike demanding

for better pay and working conditions.

460

Reagan's response was

swift and uncompromising.

461

Declaring the strike illegal because

the controllers were federal employees.

462

He gave them 48 hours to return to

work when most refused, he fired

463

over 11,000 striking air controllers

and permanently barred them from

464

federal service decertify The union.

465

While Reagan stated the strike was a

matter of public safety and upholding the

466

law, his actions were widely interpreted

as a powerful sign of a new, tougher

467

government stance against organized labor.

468

As labor historian Joseph, a McCartan

noted this event, quote, inspired

469

private sector employees to imitate

his strike breaking end quote, and it

470

contributed significantly to a decline

in strikes and overall union power.

471

In the subsequent decades that we feel

to this day, the economic outcomes

472

of Reaganomics remain one of the most

hotly debated aspects of his presidency.

473

Supporters point to the taming

of inflation, which had plagued

474

the economy of the 1970s,

dropping from a high of 13.5%,

475

the 1980 to 4.1%

476

by 1988.

477

They also highlight a period

of strong economic growth,

478

particularly from 1983 onwards.

479

As well as substantial job

creation, around 20 million

480

new jobs during his tenure.

481

The Cato Institute, for

example, argues that quote, real

482

economic growth averaged 3.2%

483

during the Reagan years, and that

the real median family income

484

grew by $4,000 during that period.

485

End quote.

486

However, critics including

organizations like the Economic Policy

487

Institute paint a different picture.

488

They emphasized the dramatic

explosion of the national debt,

489

which nearly tripled in nominal terms

from approximately 997 billion when

490

Reagan took office to around 2.85

491

trillion.

492

By the time he left, this was fueled

by a combination of large tax cuts

493

and significant increases in military

spending without corresponding cuts

494

in overall government spending.

495

Critics also point to a sharp increase

in income inequality with the wealthiest

496

Americans, seeing substantial gains

while wages for many workers and

497

middle class families stagnated.

498

Even declined in real terms.

499

Economist Paul Krugman reflecting

this view, wrote that quote.

500

While the rich got much richer,

there was little sustained economic

501

improvement for most Americans.

502

The debate over whether the

benefits of Reaganomics truly

503

trickled down continues to this day.

504

Just ask your parents

505

on the world stage.

506

President Reagan sought to restore

American strength and confront the

507

Soviet Union head on with renewed vigor.

508

His foreign policy was characterized by

a significant military buildup and a more

509

assertive, often ideological posture.

510

The guiding principle was what he

called peace through strength, and

511

Reagan authorized a massive increase

in defense spending, arguing that

512

a strong military was the essential

thing to deter Soviet aggression and

513

protect American interests globally.

514

In a famous 1983 speech, he dramatically

labeled the Soviet Union as an evil empire

515

signaling a sharp departure from the

policy of Deante that had characterized

516

much of the relations of the 1970s, and

it was a return to a more confrontational.

517

Earlier era, cold War rhetoric.

518

One of the most ambitious and

controversial elements of his

519

foreign policy was the Strategic

Defense Initiative, SDI, which

520

was announced in March of 1983.

521

Quickly dubbed Star Wars by the

media SDI proposed the development

522

of a space-based missile defense

system capable of intercepting and

523

destroying incoming Soviet nuclear

missiles, potentially using lasers.

524

And other advanced technologies.

525

No wonder they called it Star Wars

Critics questioned its immense cost, its

526

technological feasibility, and warned that

it could destabilize the nuclear balance.

527

It could escalate the arms

528

anti-ballistic missile treaty.

529

Supporters, however, argued that SDI

was a visionary attempt to render

530

nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete,

and that it put immense pressure on

531

the Soviet Union contributing to its

eventual economic strain and collapse.

532

I.

533

Central to Reagan's anti-communist

strategy was the Reagan doctrine.

534

A policy of providing overt and covert

aid to anti-communist resistance

535

movements, often termed freedom

fighters around the world, and it

536

aimed at rolling back Soviet influence

abroad, for example, in Afghanistan.

537

The US significantly increased support

for the rebels fighting against the

538

Soviet occupation that began in 1979.

539

This support is often credited

with bringing and helping to bog

540

down Soviet forces contributing

to their eventual withdrawal.

541

Afghanistan was the

Soviet Union's Vietnam.

542

There was also the example of Nicaragua,

where the Reagan administration

543

covertly supported the contr rebels

who were fighting to overthrow

544

the leftist San Anisa government.

545

This support was highly controversial

and became the focal point of the Iran

546

Contra affair, but more on that later,

there was also the case of Granada.

547

In October, 1983, US forces invaded

the small Caribbean island of

548

Granada to oust a Marxist regime

that had recently seized power.

549

An action.

550

The Reagan administration justified as

preventing the island from becoming a.

551

Soviet Cuban base.

552

The Reagan doctrine, however, led to one

of the biggest scandals of his presidency.

553

I just mentioned it,

the Iran Contra affair.

554

This complex and covert operation involved

the secret sale of arms to Iran at the

555

time, an avowed enemy of the United

States, and a designated state sponsor

556

of terrorism in the hopes that securing

the release of American hostages.

557

Being held in Lebanon

by pro Iranian groups.

558

The proceed from these arm sales were

then illegally diverted to fund the

559

Nicaraguan Contras in direct violation

of the Boland amendment passed by

560

Congress, which prohibited such aid.

561

I.

562

Key figures in orchestrating these

activities included National Security

563

Council staffer, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver

North, and National Security Advisors,

564

Robert McFarland and John Poindexter.

565

When the affair became public

566

major political crisis in a

televised address to the nation.

567

On March 4th, 1987, president

Reagan addressed the findings

568

of the Tower Commission.

569

Took full responsibility for the

actions of his administration,

570

but also would maintain that

some activities were undertaken.

571

Without his direct knowledge, the Iran

Contra affair significantly damaged the

572

Reagan administration's credibility.

573

It's actually quite a shock that

he even remained as president, and

574

it raised serious constitutional

questions about the executive power and

575

accountability, and it led to several

indictments and convictions, though

576

some were later overturned or pardoned.

577

Despite the scandal, the latter years

of Reagan's presidency were marked by a

578

dramatic thawing in US Soviet relations.

579

And this had a lot to do with the rise

of Mikhail Gorbachev as the reformist

580

leader of the Soviet Union in 1985.

581

And this created a new dynamic.

582

Reagan initially deeply skeptical of

Soviet intentions, developed a working

583

friendly relationship with Gorbachev.

584

There four summit meetings in the

landmark signing of the intermediate

585

range nuclear forces INF Treaty in

586

of nuclear weapons were a crucial

step towards ending the Cold War.

587

I.

588

Historians continue to debate Reagan's

precise role in winning the Cold War,

589

though some credit his military buildup,

his strong anti-communist rhetoric and

590

Star Wars SDI, with placing unbearable

pressure on a teetering on the brink

591

of economic collapse Soviet system.

592

Others emphasize the internal economic

and political weaknesses of the Soviet

593

Union as the catalyst, the crucial

reforms initiated by Gorbachev like Glass

594

Nost and Paris Troika, as well as the

agency of popular movements in Eastern

595

Europe that threw off Soviet domination.

596

Many scholars conclude that it was a

complex interplay of these factors.

597

The end of the Cold War was less

of a unilateral victory and more

598

of a multifaceted process involving

Reagan's evolving approach from

599

confrontation to engagement.

600

I.

601

Gorbachev's, bold internal reforms

driven by systemic soviet weaknesses,

602

and the powerful desire for freedom among

many of the peoples of Eastern Europe

603

the 1980s were not just about.

604

Economic policy and superpower rivalries.

605

Deep cultural fissures continue to

divide the nation, often pitting

606

socially conservative values against

emerging liberal and secular trends.

607

These conflicts became known then

as they are now as the culture wars.

608

One of the most devastating

and politicized crises of the

609

era was the AIDS epidemic.

610

First identified in 1981, acquired

immune deficiency syndrome AIDS

611

disproportionately affected gay men in

its early years, leading to widespread

612

fear, misinformation, and tragic stigma.

613

The Reagan administration's response was

widely criticized by activists and public

614

health officials as slow, underfunded,

and hampered by moral condemnation.

615

From some conservative quarters as our

textbook notes, quote, AIDS sufferers

616

fought for recognition of the disease

magnitude, petitioned for research

617

funds, and battled against popular

stigma associated with the disease end.

618

Quote.

619

Groups like ACT Up the AIDS Coalition

to Unleash Power was formed in

620

1987 and it used confrontational

direct action to demand government

621

action to demand research funding,

and an end to the discrimination.

622

The AIDS crisis had a profound

societal impact, eventually leading to

623

greater public awareness and medical

advancement, but not before tens of

624

thousands of lives were lost, and

the gay community endured immense

625

suffering and prejudice because of it.

626

Another front of the culture

war was popular music.

627

In 1985.

628

A prominent group of women, including

Tipper Gore, the wife of then Senator

629

Al Gore and Susan Baker, wife of then

Treasury Secretary James Baker, formed

630

the Parents Music Resource Center.

631

I.

632

They expressed alarm over what they

perceived as increasingly explicit themes

633

of sex, violence, drug use, and occultism

in popular music, particularly in rock and

634

emerging genres like heavy metal and rap.

635

Susan Baker testified

before the Senate quote.

636

There certainly are many causes

for these ills in our society,

637

but it is our contention that the

pervasive message is aimed at children

638

which promote and glorify suicide.

639

And so on have to be numbered

among the contributing factors.

640

End quote.

641

The PMRC as it came to be known,

targeted artists like Prince Madonna,

642

Judas Priest, and Twisted Sister, and

it led to highly publicized Senate

643

hearings and ultimately to the music

industry's voluntary adoption of the.

644

And you've probably seen it.

645

Parental advisory, explicit lyrics,

the labels they put on albums.

646

This was a clear example of the culture

wars playing out in the realm of artistic

647

expression in freedom of speech and

parental concerns over youth culture.

648

President Reagan sought to a.

649

A reshape the federal judiciary

by appointing judges who adhered

650

to the philosophy of conservative

judicial restraint and a strict

651

interpretation of the Constitution.

652

His most notable Supreme Court

appointments included Sandra Day O'Connor

653

in 1981, the first woman to serve on

the high court, the elevation of William

654

Rehnquist as Chief Justice in 1986, and

655

Who became a leading conservative

intellectual voice on the court, the

656

intensely publicized and ultimately

failed Senate confirmation battle over

657

Robert Borks nomination in 1987, starkly

highlighted the high stakes in the

658

deep ideological divisions surrounding

judicial appointments in this era.

659

The 1980s also saw rising

critiques of multiculturalism

660

from some conservative circles.

661

Concerns were voiced that an emphasis

on diverse cultural identities

662

was undermining national unity.

663

It was eroding shared American values

and leading to the social fragmentation.

664

The.

665

An Australian historian named Jeffrey

Blaney, for example, warned that

666

multiculturalism could transform a

nation into a quote cluster of tribes.

667

A sentiment that found echoes among

American conservatives who feared I.

668

Felt a loss of cohesive national identity.

669

These simmering cultural

tensions found a powerful, if not

670

controversial voice in Patrick J.

671

Buchanan.

672

A conservative commentator in a

former White House aide Buchanan,

673

ran for the Republican presidential

674

in his bid to be president.

675

He delivered a memorable and fiery

address at the Republican National

676

Convention that year explicitly declaring

a culture war for the Soul of America.

677

Quote, there is a religious war going on

in our country for the soul of America.

678

It is a cultural war as critical

to the kind of nation we will one

679

day be as the Cold War itself.

680

End quote.

681

Buchanan speech framed American

political divisions in starkly

682

moral and cultural terms.

683

He identified issues like abortion, gay

rights, feminism, and multiculturalism

684

as the key battlegrounds in the

struggle for America's identity.

685

His rhetoric solidified

the culture war narrative.

686

A.

687

Framework that would continue to

shape and often polarize American

688

political discourse to this day.

689

The conservative revival of the 1970s

and eighties, often encapsulated by

690

the term Reagan revolution, was more

than just a passing political phase.

691

It marked a profound and lasting

shift in American politics,

692

society, and economic thought.

693

Its echoes, resonate.

694

Powerfully today shaping the

contours of our contemporary debate.

695

So when we assess the triumph of the

right, what did it actually achieve?

696

The new Wright and Reagan

administration could certainly

697

claim significant victories.

698

Economically.

699

They delivered substantial

tax cuts, most notably.

700

Through their Economic Recovery Tax

701

of 1986, they pursued widespread

deregulation across numerous industries.

702

The judiciary was shifted in

a more conservative direction

703

through key appointments.

704

I.

705

Inflation, which had ravaged the economy

in the seventies was brought under

706

control, and the economy experienced

a significant period of growth in the

707

mid eighties and in foreign policy.

708

Many conservatives pointed to the collapse

of the Soviet Union and end of the

709

Cold War as the ultimate validation of

Reagan's peace through strength approach.

710

However, the triumph was not absolute

particularly concerning the social

711

agenda of the religious right.

712

Despite their considerable political

influence, many of their most

713

cherished goals remained elusive.

714

As the textbook notes, many core

social welfare programs established

715

during The New Deal and great society

such as Social Security, Medicare,

716

and Medicaid, largely survived the

Reagan years, albeit sometimes with

717

modifications or reduced funding.

718

Landmark Supreme Court

decisions like Roe V.

719

Wade, a primary target

for social conservatives.

720

It was not overturned during this period.

721

Efforts to legislate certain family

values, such as mandatory prayer

722

in public school face significant

constitutional and popular resistance.

723

Furthermore, as the 1980s, drew to a

close, many conservative Christians felt

724

that popular culture had become even

more vulgar and hostile to their values

725

than they had been a decade before.

726

The national debt, which Reagan

had pledged to reduce, had instead

727

ballooned to unprecedented levels

due the, to the combination of tax

728

cuts and increased defense spending.

729

So while the political and economic

landscape undoubtedly shifted right

730

word, deeply entrenched social norms,

legal precedents regarding individual

731

liberties and the complexities of a

pluralistic society meant that the

732

conservative social victory was.

733

Incomplete leading to ongoing culture wars

rather than a settled conservative order.

734

Perhaps the most enduring legacy

of the conservative revival was a

735

fundamental political realignment.

736

In the United States, the solid south,

it was once a bedrock of the Democratic

737

Party and it continued its decades long

shift to become a Republican stronghold

738

that it is today a transformation that

739

rights movements, but it solidified during

the Reagan years, the mobilization of

740

Evangelical and fundamentalist Christians,

groups like the moral majority.

741

Transform the religious right into a

powerful and indispensable pillar of

742

the Republican Party coalition, ensuring

that the social and moral issues

743

would remain central to its platform

and to the national political debate.

744

The ideological battle sharpened during

this era contributed significantly

745

to the increasing political

polarization of American society.

746

The clear distinctions drawn by the new

right between conservative and liberal

747

values and the often confrontational

rhetoric of the cultural wars made

748

bipartisan compromise more difficult

and contributed to the deeply divided

749

political landscape that we see today.

750

I.

751

For those of us living today,

the conservative revival of the

752

late 20th century was a watershed

moment in American history.

753

It didn't just change election outcomes.

754

It fundamentally reshaped the terms

of the political debates, and it

755

reshaped the role of the government,

the nation's economic trajectory

756

and its posture on the world stage.

757

The arguments ignited during this era.

758

Over the size and scope of the government,

the meaning of economic fairness.

759

The nature of American foreign policy

and the definition of core cultural

760

values are not relics of a bygone era.

761

They are, in many ways, the very fabric

of our political discourse today.

762

The questions raised with such force in

763

balance of between individual liberty and

collective responsibility, the definition

764

of American identity in an increasingly

diverse nation, the pursuit of economic

765

opportunity for all and America's

role in a complex global landscape

766

remain profoundly relevant today.

767

The triumph of the right as our textbook

chapter calls, it was indeed a triumph for

768

a particular set of ideas in a specific

political coag, but its legacy is an

769

ongoing story, an unfinished chapter

in the continuing American experience.

770

I'm Dr.

771

G.

772

I'll see y'all in the past.