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The End Of Politics AudioChapter from The Social Singularity AudioBook by Max Borders
25th April 2024 • Voice over Work - An Audiobook Sampler • Russell Newton
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The social singularity, how decentralization  will allow us to transcend politics, create

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global prosperity, and avoid the robot apocalypse,  written by Max Borders, narrated by Russell

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Newton.

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For an undetermined period of time I felt myself  cut off from the world, an abstract spectator...

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The road kept descending and branching  off, through meadows misty in the twilight.

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—Jorge Luis Borges

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WE HAVE ALWAYS TRIED to know tomorrow.

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In our attempts, we end up shaping it.

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Our ancestors went to seers who  read tea leaves, auras, or entrails.

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To best an enemy or win a lover, rulers  consulted oracles for messages from the gods.

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Oracles in antiquity were  thought to be divinely inspired,  

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so false predictions were  blamed on bad interpretation.

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Modern oracles are decidedly more fallible.

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We’re also more accountable.

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So we look for patterns in the world beyond the  guts, and we channel the god of trend lines.

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Still, we make predictions we hope will come true,  which is often why we make them to start with.

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Today they call us futurists.

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But to be a futurist still  takes a little mysticism.

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It’s not the vagueness of Nostradamus or  the Magick of Aleister Crowley but the  

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spark of the science-fiction writer who  plants ideas in the minds of innovators.

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Futurists know that in every prediction  there is a potential act of creation.

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After all people who believe our  predictions are more likely to change.

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And if enough people change,  the world might just get better.

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In The Social Singularity, I’ll show that  the world’s power centers are breaking up  

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and that this process can — 1 — 2 Introduction  liberate people from poverty, end acrimonious  

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politics, and help humanity  avoid the robot apocalypse.

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I realize that’s a tall order.

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But that’s just how much potential  there is in decentralization.

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Decentralization?

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This is the kind of big, abstract idea editors  warn could mean the death of your book sales.

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Write about a person or tell a story, they’ll  say, chomping on the end of a spent cigar.

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I can’t sell a book about an abstraction!

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Well, we’ve got to try.

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The future depends on it.

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In this volume, I suggest that if we  reorganize ourselves and our systems  

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of collective intelligence, we  will be better as a species.

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The social singularity is a point beyond  which humanity will have reoriented itself.

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We’ll operate more like a hive mind.

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A lot of people are afraid of what’s to come.

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But to live in fear of the future  is to underestimate ourselves.

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So this book is also about shedding fear.

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Still, it’s not your basic airplane read.

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It’s designed to challenge you.

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To break conventions.

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To reframe our thinking a little so as to disrupt  

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the habits of mind that are keeping all  of us from reaching our full potential.

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You see, our march toward the social  singularity will be largely positive.

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Yes, there will be a great economic churn thanks  to artificial intelligence and automation.

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Of course, there is always the risk of  future shock, 2 and people will still  

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carry within them the urge to control,  to centralize, and to “rage for order."

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3 But technology is helping us  to become far more collaborative,  

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and there is more ordering power in that force  than in any demagogue with a standing army.

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I’m not a passive chronicler of events.

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Behind this book lies a deeper purpose —a  mission that is the wellspring of my thinking.

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If you’re comfortable with all these caveats,  

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I invite you to join me in exploring a  new set of forking paths into the future.

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For as soon as we take those first  steps on any path, we’re engaging  

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in acts of creation, for better or for worse.

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CHAPTER ONE

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THE END OF POLITICS

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The spectacle is not a collection of images, but a  social relation among people, mediated by images.

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— Guy Debord

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IF YOU’RE READING THIS, chances are you  own some sort of mobile computing device.

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Maybe you haven’t given up paper books  entirely, but you’re surely tethered.

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I suspect you check your device at  least twice a day, if not twice an hour.

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And I’d bet you have at least fifty apps.

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Now imagine you wake up one morning, turn on  your device, and realize everything has changed.

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Where before there were  fifty or more applications,  

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there are now only two - a red app and a blue app.

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It seems the apps compete for processing power  

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so now the device runs more  slowly and less efficiently.

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And on this operating system—call  it “DOS,” or Democratic Operating  

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System—only the red app and the blue app run.

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Though the device advertises  compatibility with other apps,  

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everybody finds DOS only seems to work  with the red one and the blue one.

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You are understandably  frustrated with your device,  

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especially as you remember a time when  it ran much better, had far more options,  

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and allowed you to customize it  according to your needs and preferences.

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This thought experiment is meant to help us  reflect on our sociopolitical status quo.

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Not on who’s in charge, not on the next  election, but rather upon the system itself.

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Why?

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Because there seems to be a collective illusion  that a democratic republic is as good as it gets.

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After all, we haven’t yet really tried  anything beyond DOS. And there seems to  

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be a near-universal failure of imagination  with respect to how we could do better.

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In a 1947 speech, Winston Churchill made  his now-famous assessment - Many forms  

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of Government have been tried and will  be tried in this world of sin and woe.

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No one pretends that democracy  is perfect or all-wise.

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Indeed, it has been said that  democracy is the worst form of  

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government except all those other forms  that have been tried from time to time.

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5 This is the sort of fatalism most people accept.

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In fact, almost no one tries to imagine  another social operating system.

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The most creative and ambitious ideas for  social change almost always happen within  

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DOS - We should pass law X or adopt policy Y.  Very few are trying to figure out how to develop  

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something entirely new that circumvents politics  entirely or, at least, fundamentally changes it.

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It should be clear by now that I’m not  interested in preserving the status quo.

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We can do better—and we must,  because DOS’s days are numbered.

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For a lot of people, this will be unsettling.

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Some readers will scoff.

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Others will worry I’m trying to rock a boat  that’s keeping billions of people afloat.

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Still others will say I’m an  anarchist, a utopian, or a dreamer.

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And we should no doubt treat with great respect  the system that took us from bullets to ballots.

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The democratic republic has become the  most prosperous and arguably peaceful  

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way to organize society the world has seen.

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So it’s no wonder smart people like Francis  Fukuyama have argued that the democratic  

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republic was the form on which most of the  countries of the world would eventually settle.

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There is a lot to recommend about this form,  

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particularly when considered  in the arc of history.

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But there is a lot wrong with DOS. And  whatever happens after DOS should be a  

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welcome upgrade that addresses what doesn’t work  about this particular social operating system,  

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all while introducing new functions, new features,  and a new paradigm of human social interaction.

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The most salient problem with our current  form of governance is its symptoms.

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One of those symptoms is that politics  tends to make us, ahem, ungracious.

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Recall the famous 1968 televised  debates between William F. Buckley,  

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Jr., and Gore Vidal, a conservative and a liberal.

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The whole thing culminates in a moment  where—after a heated exchange—Buckley,  

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taking Vidal’s bait, explodes - “Now listen,  you queer, stop calling me a crypto-Nazi,  

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or I’ll sock you in the goddamn  face and you’ll stay plastered."

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And there it was.

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The dandies of the Left and Right reduced to  ad hominem attacks, almost coming to blows.

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Nielsen loved it because ratings soared.

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And politics as prime-time blood  sport became an American pastime.

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Matters only got worse with  the arrival of the Internet.

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What we thought would be a tool to bring  out the best in us, such as creativity and  

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collaboration (which it has been), has also  become a platform from which people can hurl  

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insults at those with whom they disagree, then  easily retreat into partisan echo chambers.

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According to a documentary about Buckley  and Vidal called The Best of Enemies,  

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both died with the poison of political and  personal animus still in their spleens.

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And as Americans continue with politics  basically unchanged—though with social  

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media magnifying any spectacle  and offering everyone a bullhorn—  

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the symptoms of partisanship  are getting worse every year.

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This polarization is happening to all of us.

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As the political parade passes,  people gather to watch the show,  

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choosing their sides of the boulevard.

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In so choosing, they self-segregate.

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Tribal affiliations are on display.

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It’s a natural human tendency with  deep roots in our evolutionary past.

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In an experiment,6 even people predisposed  to favor members of their own race turned  

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out to be biased in favor of people randomly  assigned to wear the same team’s basketball  

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jersey as they were—even when those people  were of different races—and against even  

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people of the same race if they were  wearing a different team’s colors.

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As science journalist Sharon Begley points  out, we team 6 The End of Politics up with  

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people according to “whether they are  likely to be an ally or an enemy."

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That illustrates how tribal we are.

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We are wired to be divided.

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Politics brings out the worst in us by  tapping into these tribal tendencies.

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Sure, trading barbs is  better than trading bullets.

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We all know really nice people who participate  in stinging or acrimonious exchanges online.

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Maybe we do it ourselves.

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Here’s a headline you might  have shared - “5 Scientific  

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Studies That Prove Republicans Are Stupid."

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Or - “Yes, Liberalism is a Mental Disorder."

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In the United States, that’s more than 300  million people who are either stupid or crazy.

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Few want to acknowledge that it might be stupid or  

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crazy to make such claims or for a  country to divide itself this way.

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But in America, at least, it’s  effectively a two-party system.

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So in DOS you have two choices of app, which  means two basic choices of tribal affiliation.

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The Worst in Us

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I used to wonder whether anybody besides  H. L. Mencken saw things this way.

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I found the following from legal analyst  Trevor Burrus - Like any other game,  

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the rules create the attitudes  and strategies of the players.

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Throw two brothers into the Colosseum  for a gladiatorial fight to the death,  

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and brotherly sentiment will quickly evaporate.

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Throw siblings, neighbors, or friends into  a political world that increasingly controls  

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our deepest values, and love and care are  quickly traded for resentment.7 It’s true.

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From a very young age, we’re told that when  breaking bread with friends and family,  

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politics and religion are verboten.

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But it’s not just that it will put  relationships at risk, says Burrus.

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Democratic politics turns a continuum of  possibilities into stark, binary choices.

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Tribal teams coalesce around linear,  black-and-white thinking as our biases take over.

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Now that we’ve invented a problem—“which  group of 50 percent +1 will control education  

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for everyone?”—imposed a binary solution—“we  will teach either creation or evolution”—and  

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invented teams to rally around those  solutions —“are you a science denier  

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or a science supporter?”—our The Worst  in Us 7 tribal and self-serving brains  

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go to work assuring us that we are on  the side of righteousness and truth.

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8 All these woeful debates  become increasingly shrill.

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When it all reaches fever pitch,  

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virtue signalers pen pleas for greater  tolerance and more reasoned discourse.

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But it does no good.

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Tribal brains burn hotter than  any of these appeals for civility.

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Until we change the rules, we’re not  likely to find changes in ourselves.

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Again, I admit that when compared to tyranny  and war, partisan politics ain’t so bad.

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But what if something else came along?

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Wouldn’t we start to see  democracy as a golden calf?

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Politics—especially during  federal elections—creates  

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a system that brings out the worst in people.

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It poisons relationships.

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It pulls us in as spectators who stand  agog at a completely inauthentic show  

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of national politics over which any  one of us has virtually no power.

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We end up mostly ignoring local issues over  which we could have considerably more influence.

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As a consequence, an entire nation  falls under a particular kind of spell.

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The only people to whom our opinions really matter  are the pollsters, with their wet fingers held  

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aloft, and the media, who hold up mirrors so  distorted we can barely recognize ourselves.

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People are different.

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They are going to have differences of opinion,  

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hold different values, and  run in different circles.

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This is a fact.

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But we expect that a monolith of  partisan opinion should extend to  

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a nation of 350 million people—  by brute force if necessary.

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And until they do, we’ll just get on social media  

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and sock them in the face  until they stay plastered.

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On Election Day, the team with the red  jerseys will pull on its side of the rope.

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The team with the blue jerseys  will pull on its side of the rope.

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In the end, both will end up the mud—because  they’ve been standing in it all along.

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Hobbits and Hooligans What may be  as disconcerting as the kind of  

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people politics turns us into are the types of  voters in whose hands we have placed democracy.

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Political philosopher Jason Brennan names  these creatures “hobbits” and “hooligans."

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He writes - 8 The End of Politics Hobbits are  mostly apathetic and ignorant about politics.

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They lack strong, fixed opinions  about most political issues.

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Often they have no opinions at all.

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They have little, if any,  social scientific knowledge;  

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they are ignorant not just of current events  but also of the social scientific theories  

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and data needed to evaluate as well as  understand these events.9 In this way,  

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hobbits are almost as indifferent to  politics as they are ignorant of the issues.

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Brennan reminds us that the typical nonvoter  is a hobbit, which makes it odd that anyone  

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would want to encourage nonvoters to vote  for any reason beyond the most cynical.

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On the other hand, when we consider  that many people who end up voting  

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are probably also hobbits, we have to  wonder about the arbitrariness of it all.

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After all, why should people who  have no knowledge of or interest in  

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social-scientific data or world history  have any say in the rules you live by?

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The rest of those who decide the fate  of nations Brennan calls “hooligans."

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Hooligans are the rabid sports fans of politics.

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They have strong and largely fixed worldviews.

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They can present arguments for their beliefs,  but they cannot explain alternative points  

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of view in a way that people with  other views would find satisfactory.

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Hooligans consume political information,  

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although in a biased way.10 You probably  recognize hooligans from social media.

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They seek articles that confirm their  preexisting opinions, but, writes Brennan,  

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they “ignore, evade, and reject out of hand  evidence that contradicts or disconfirms their  

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preexisting opinions.”11 Thus data is only good  to hooligans insofar as it supports their views.

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It’s not just that hooligans zealously  form political opinions based on their  

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tribal affiliations and confirmation biases;  it’s also that their tribal membership forms  

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their very identity, which in the United  States shores up DOS and its two apps.

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In such a polarized climate, hooligans  “tend to despise people who disagree  

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with them, holding that people with  alternative worldviews are stupid,  

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evil, selfish, or at best, deeply misguided."

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Hobbits and Hooligans 9 When we consider  that the great bulk of the voting population  

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is made up of people who either know  very little about anything (and don’t  

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really care) or only want to know things  that confirm what they already believe,  

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we’ve got a system that runs primarily  on a mix of ignorance and ideology.

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Between elections, hooligans  are beating each other up at  

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rallies or shutting down speeches on campuses.

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Hobbits are going about their lives, from time  to time wondering what all the fuss is about.

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When we think about having our  collective fate determined this way,  

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it should also strike us that  democracy is quite arbitrary.

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But it’s also arbitrary  beyond those who participate.

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To understand that arbitrariness,  we have first to unpack it.

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The late comedian George Carlin  provided two relevant nuggets of wisdom.

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He said he doesn’t vote because  “it’s meaningless,” and he said  

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the United States was “bought  and paid” for a long time ago.

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Let’s take each of Carlin’s  nuggets of wisdom in turn.

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A Teardrop in the Ocean

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First, we have to face the grim  truth that our vote doesn’t count.

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I realize that in fourth grade Mrs. Crabtree  taught us that voting lets our voices be heard.

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But that’s not really true.

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It is akin to thinking the  drummer hears you when you  

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yell at him from the nosebleed  seats of Madison Square Garden.

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The purveyors of these sorts of untruths probably  don’t realize they’re spreading untruths.

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If they do, they think they’re only repeating  

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little white lies—like telling  a child Santa Claus is real.

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But Santa Claus isn’t real.

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Your vote doesn’t count.

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Crying a single teardrop into the ocean  will not determine the fate of high tide,  

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and the drummer playing Madison  Square Garden can’t hear you scream.

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To be fair, though, some  brilliant people disagree.

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Techno-evangelist Clay Shirky thinks  democracy is the best we’ve got right now,  

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so we’re duty bound to rock the vote.

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Not a protest vote, either.

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You have to pick the red app or the blue app.

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“It doesn’t matter what message you think you  are sending, because no one will receive it.

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No one is listening,” writes Shirky.

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“The system is set up so that every choice other  than ‘R’ or ‘D’ boils down to ‘I defer to the  

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judgement of my fellow citizens.’ It’s easy to  argue that our system shouldn’t work like that.

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It’s impossible to argue it doesn’t  work like that.”12 The problem with  

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Shirky’s claim is it doesn’t matter how you vote.

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Even if you vote “R” or “D,” no one is listening.

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One might argue matters are slightly  improved in a parliamentary system.

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But not in the US.

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According to NBC News, only people in Colorado,  Iowa, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina,  

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Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia had  anything but an infinitesimal chance  

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that their vote would affect the outcome of  the 2016 presidential election.13 Any given  

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voter had a better chance of being struck  by lightning on the way to the voting booth.

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As Forbes columnist Jim Pagels puts it  - “The most generous estimates claim you  

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have a 1-in-10-million chance of being the  deciding vote in [a presidential] election,  

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and that’s only if you live in a swing state and  if you vote for one of the two major parties.

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Overall, the estimate is roughly 1-in-60  million.”14 Let that sink in for a moment.

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You’re almost 100 percent assured  you could switch your vote in every  

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major election throughout your life  and the outcome would be the same.

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Following Carlin, then,  your vote is “meaningless."

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Or as political philosopher Jason Brennan  notes, “telling someone they can’t complain  

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about an election if they didn’t vote is  akin to telling a homeless person that  

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they can’t complain about being poor unless  they play the lottery every day.”15 Ouch.

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But matters are even worse.

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The Unicorn Problem

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Duke University political economist  

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Michael Munger deepens our political nihilism  with what he calls the “Unicorn Problem."

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The problem is not just with voting, he explains.

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It’s with the very idea of the state as a  steward of the true, the beautiful and the good.

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Munger continues - “If you want to advocate the  use of unicorns as motors for public transit,  

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it is important that unicorns actually exist,  rather than only existing in your imagination.

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People immediately understand why  relying on imaginary creatures  

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would be a problem in practical mass transit."

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But most people can’t see why the  government they imagine is a unicorn.

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So to help them, Munger proposes what  he humbly calls “the Munger test” -

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1. Go ahead, make your argument  for what you want the State to do,  

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and what you want the State to be in charge  of [or the “message” you want to send].

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2. Then, go back and look at your statement.

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Everywhere you said “the State,” delete that  phrase and replace it with “politicians I  

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actually know, running in electoral systems with  voters and interest groups that actually exist."

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3.

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If you still believe your statement, then we  have something to talk about.16 Munger admits to  

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entertaining himself with this rhetorical device -  “When someone says, ‘The State should be in charge  

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of hundreds of thousands of heavily armed troops,  with the authority to use that coercive power,’  

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ask them to take out the unicorn (‘the State’) and  replace it with [the politician you most dislike].

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How do you like it now?”17 When democracy  advocates say the only way to “send a message”  

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is to vote for one of the two parties, they  have fallen victim to the unicorn fallacy.

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It’s not just that your message likely  won’t be received if you do vote;  

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it’s that it will be crumpled  up and thrown into a dumpster  

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on K Street 18 by people you know you would  never want making the rules on your behalf.

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Why People Vote

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Apart from the illusion that “your vote matters”  or “your voice is heard,” why do people vote?

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Most folks don’t really think their  votes will have an appreciable effect.

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So why do they vote?

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Here are three big reasons -   Declarative-Expressive - People  

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vote to express themselves, whatever it is they’re  expressing, because the immediate cost of doing so  

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is negligible;  Ideological-Utopian - People vote  in accordance with some abstraction—a wished-for  

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state-of-affairs, ideal, or unrealizable  utopia;  Tribal-Coalitional - People vote  

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in solidarity with those they perceive  as their ingroup, team, or tribe.

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As you might have figured out, these are some of  the psychological bases of political hooliganism.

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But you might be wondering - What about  people who are interested only in the truth?

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What about people who are calm, rational, and  willing to suspend judgment about candidates  

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and policies until they have enough  information to determine logically  

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whether said candidates and policies will  work in the interests of the public good?

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Brennan calls these types “vulcans."

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And they are as rare as they are irrelevant.

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Maybe we can imagine a system in  which only vulcans could vote,  

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say, after passing some vulcan exam  acceptable as a standard by nonvulcans.

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But even if you could get beyond the inherent  elitism in such a suggestion, it’s not clear  

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that any social science wielded by vulcans  would generate a better form of government.

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Science writer Ron Bailey reminds us  that most experts can’t be trusted,  

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and that statisticians like John Ioannidis have  been sounding the alarm as far back as 2005.

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Ioannidis found that “in most fields of research,  including biomedicine, genetics, and epidemiology,  

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the research community has been terrible  at weeding out the shoddy work largely due  

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to perfunctory peer review and a paucity  of attempts at experimental replication."

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19 Ioannidis’s conclusion?

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“Most published research findings are false."

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Biomedicine?

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Genetics?

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Epidemiology?

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These areas are supposed to be  relatively close to the hard sciences.

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These aren’t squishier social  sciences like economics,  

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social psychology, and political science.

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In response to democracy’s shortcomings,  Brennan proposes a system he terms  

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“epistocracy,” which suggests  governance by those who are  

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slightly more competent on matters  with which they are more familiar.

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We should be leery of Brennan’s proposal,  

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though not because life wouldn’t be marginally  better than it is under the system we have now.

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Maybe things would be better for a time.

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We should be leery of epistocracy just as we  

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should be leery of any platoon of  philosopher-kings wielding stats.

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After all, there are lots of  hooligans masquerading as vulcans,  

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particularly in the academy.

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Epistocracy risks morphing into just  another contrivance of centralized thinking,  

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even if it seems marginally  to decentralize voting.

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There are many more interesting  alternatives on the horizon.

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But let’s not get ahead of ourselves.

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Giving people voting power over  domains of activity in which they  

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claim to be experts risks technocracy, as  it opens the door to a tyranny of experts.

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Though Why People Vote 13 Brennan’s  critique of democracy is dead on,  

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his suggested upgrade leaves  something to be desired.

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Now let’s turn to George Carlin’s second nugget of  

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wisdom - the idea that US politics  was bought and sold a long time ago.

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Politics without Romance

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Why do politicians constantly disappoint us?

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Late Nobel laureate James  Buchanan more or less set  

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out to answer this question in his life’s work.

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Buchanan was one of the founders of the  public-choice school of political economy.

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And in a single essay called “Politics  without Romance,” Buchanan lays out his  

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general thesis in cold, dispassionate terms -  If the government is empowered to grant monopoly  

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rights or tariff protection to one group,  at the expense of the general public or of  

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designated losers, it follows that potential  beneficiaries will compete for the prize.

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And since only one group can be  rewarded, the resources invested  

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by other groups—which could have been used to  produce valued goods and services—are wasted.

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20 Those who are supposed to represent you are  

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playing a game that tends to benefit  favored groups (read - not you).

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Much of the growth of the bureaucratic or  regulatory sector of government can best  

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be explained in terms of the competition  between political agents for constituency  

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support through the use of promises of  discriminatory transfers of wealth.21 As  

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much as we wish the forces Buchanan identifies  weren’t the most powerful forces in politics,  

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to think otherwise would be, well, romantic.

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If the Munger test reminds us that  people you don’t like hold actual power,  

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public-choice economics reminds us  that people we don’t like get power  

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and then auction it off to  corporate or bureaucratic interests.

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In other words, once all the hobbits’ and  hooligans’ teardrops have been counted,  

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the incentives of the democratic republic  are less about those creatures’ good and  

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more about money and power mixing to gain  advantages in their respective domains.

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That’s why money and power are  so attracted to each other.

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Even the most ardent do-gooder in office has to  engage in horse-trading to get anything done.

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You might call it selling out.

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She might call it political survival.

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Local Knowledge

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From time to time, politicians do try to do  what they think is in the public interest.

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That is difficult, though.

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What after all is “the public” but a whole lot  of people, each of whom differs from the others?

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And why should a lawyer from  Manhattan have anything to say  

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about the operations of a ranch outside Missoula?

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As our society becomes more complex,  

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it becomes even less plausible to think  that people in distant capitals have the  

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requisite knowledge to plan for anything so  far away from their spheres of understanding.

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And this is true even if the people  in question are Brennan’s vulcans.

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As Friedrich A. Hayek famously reminds  us, science is not the sum of knowledge.

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Most of the important stuff we know involves  particular circumstances and contexts.

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Knowledge of specific circumstances,  

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or “local knowledge,” is the most important  and overlooked feature of complex societies.

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And as we become more complex, we will have  to develop sense-making apparatuses and  

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forms of collective intelligence  that can handle this complexity.

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People in government, well-intentioned  as they might be, are woefully ill  

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equipped to make judgments about  people in local circumstances.

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Even if we don’t need central control and  

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planning in our increasingly complex  society, we still need governance.

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Someday, though, we’ll look back  on politics and shake our heads.

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It will have been a necessary  phase—but not one we’ll want to relive.

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We have been undergoing a series of  phases we could not have bypassed.

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The good news is we may have  already entered the next phase.

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Once we realize all the benefits of this next  

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phase, we’ll see how wasteful and  acrimonious politics has been.

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Trench Warfare

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Right now it doesn’t seem like we  are headed for a post-political era.

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Most people are so locked into the  political paradigm that arguments  

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about who is to Trench Warfare  15 fund whose birth control—or  

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whether the city school system should  get another bond—seem bigger than life.

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Each side cedes mere inches back and forth between  election cycles in a kind of trench warfare.

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Such is the nature of politics.

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And in politics, the only thing we share  anymore is a desire to take and hold onto power.

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The party that has the ring rules  the land, at least for a while.

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The other side snatches power back sooner or  later, and the whole thing starts all over again.

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Yet each side’s adherents labor  under the idea that if they can just  

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get and keep the ring, they  will use it to good ends.

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We’ll give it to the right people, they imagine.

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The right people are incorruptible.

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We’re still waiting for the right people.

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So we go back to that titanic tug of war.

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Time and energy we could  use on creative activities  

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we spend locked in counterproductive struggles.

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We polarize.

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We argue.

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Our tribal-coalitional natures—as well as  our unwavering belief in our own laundry  

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lists of values and virtues—divide us in  ways that go deeper than party affiliation.

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One side wants to take away  the guns and the sugary sodas,  

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the other wants to pray away the gay.

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The rest of us simply hang out at the margins.

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People can scarcely talk to each  other without spitting venom.

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If there are any beneficiaries  to this tit-for-tat, they’re  

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rarely the ones who send their  prayers up in the voting booth.

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A parasite class of special interests reaps most  

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of the rewards, because the  real action is on K Street.

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For the rest of us, politics is at  best a spectacle, a kind of team sport.

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Was all this struggle necessary?

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Yes.

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And again, there has been  virtue in such a zero-sum game.

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Politics is a way to fight somewhat  humanely over the control of hierarchy.

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The American Republic was in  certain respects designed to create  

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checks between factions and parties  by setting them against each other.

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Ballots beat bullets and all that.

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It was thought of as a necessary evil—an  alternative to the subjugation of people,  

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which came from monarchy, feudalism,  and aristocratic privilege.

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In the Federalist Papers, James  Madison expressed concern about  

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the “mischiefs of faction” found  in democracies of various sizes.

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The Constitution is designed to  temper the consequences of faction,  

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even as the man known as its father acknowledged  that the “causes of faction cannot be removed."

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22 The democratic republic was thus a kind  of rationally conceived operating system,  

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forged in compromise after a revolution  provided an opportunity to start fresh.

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From another perspective, the development of the  American-style republic was a phase transition.

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In other words, the democratic republic was likely  

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to have arisen at some point due to  the world’s becoming more complex.

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Some revere the founding as  the explication of timeless  

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principles the founders discovered using reason.

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And yet we know the founders were  crafting rules at a certain stage  

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of technological development and  in a certain historical context.

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They were moving headlong into a future  informed by reasonable assumptions about  

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human nature and the new circumstances  in which people found themselves.

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To understand this stage and prior stages,  

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it will benefit us first to take our time machine  a little further into the past, then zip back.

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The Rise of Hierarchy

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For millennia, our ancestors  roamed the African steppe.

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Early humans were hunter-gatherers,  anthropologists say.

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And as those ancestors succeeded at  hunting and gathering, their numbers grew.

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But the world was no Garden of  Eden for long, if it ever was.

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Life became nasty, brutish, and short.

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As their numbers grew, these tribal bands  eventually confronted life-threatening scarcities.

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And Thomas Malthus’s warning, an  error when he introduced it in 1789,  

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was more or less correct back in the Paleolithic  

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period - Success in procreating meant the  land would reach its carrying capacity.

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To avoid Malthus’s trap,  early folk had to move about.

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Their migrations contributed  to the world’s great peopling.

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As early humans moved around, they collided.

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There was fierce competition  for available resources.

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Peoples faced off in bloody conflict.

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Intertribal warfare meant the hunter-gatherer  tribes had to become warrior clans.

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They not only had to learn to fight and kill,  

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but they also had to learn to organize  themselves to fight together better.

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None of this is meant to suggest that early  peoples did not trade peacefully across tribes.

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Many did.

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But those who did not become traders were raiders.

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Such a harsh state of affairs meant that,  

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to survive, your tribe had to  develop better social technology.

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That doesn’t mean Windows for Cavemen.

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Social technology is shorthand for  how people organize themselves.

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Victors transmitted their stories of glory and  successful warfare strategies into the future.

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Likewise, while strength, courage, and  superior weaponry go a very long way,  

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social technology could  make or break clan society.

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Agriculture and statecraft helped to  settle some of these fighter-nomads.

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With settling came civilization.

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Still, much of history since the world’s great  peopling has nevertheless been a story of warfare.

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After all, civilization often  comes with wealth and power.

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In the simultaneous development  of warfare and civilization,  

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one social technology came  to dominate - hierarchy.

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Atop this form of organization  there usually stood one person.

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This leader went by many names—chief,  king, warlord —but to succeed,  

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the chief would have to be capable of gaining  the fear, respect, and loyalty of his people.

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In accepting this leader, the clan  would have gained an advantage.

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Having enabled a skilled strategist  to command them as a force,  

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they could operate as a single, fierce unit.

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That would be a recipe for survival  and glory in an age of conquest.

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Of course, those capable of such fierceness and  cunning were also capable of suppressing dissent.

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Those who wished to survive in the  order were likely to accept the order,  

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that being preferable to slaughter.

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Great empires soon grew up  amid the detritus of war.

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The clan king became a god-king.

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The administration of empire  required more layers of hierarchy,  

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which meant delegating power  to satraps and governors.

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The emperor would issue commands to subordinates,  

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and those commands would be carried out by  their subordinates in the chain of command.

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Patronage relationships became the norm.

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The order of those lording power over  others took on religious dimensions.

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Values such as loyalty, honor, obedience,  and patriotism firmed up the hierarchy.

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Without such values, the structure  could have been weakened by either  

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internal dissent or better-organized enemies.

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Hierarchy became more elaborate  over time as each layer was added,  

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and hierarchy persisted, apparently, as  humanity’s dominant social technology.

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Despite a couple of eighteenth-century  revolutions in France and America,  

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hierarchy is still, in many respects, the dominant  form of social organization throughout the world.

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That is, social structures like those of medieval  

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Europe and feudal Japan are more common  than those like modern Switzerland’s.

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Even modern Japan and Switzerland still  have command-and-control structures.

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The United States—that great beacon of freedom—now  bears a striking resemblance to the Roman Empire.

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America’s founders had made  improvements by creating  

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institutional checks and balances  on power within its hierarchy.

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But its hierarchy persists.

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The question then - Is it long for this world?

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Better All the Time Now to the present.

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There is no doubt too much war in the world today.

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The good news, however, is that the human race is  

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entering an unprecedented age of  peace, connection, and prosperity.

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I realize you probably didn’t  get that news on social media.

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The “Great Fact,” however, is that since  about 1800, we’ve been growing more and  

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more prosperous.23 It’s all thanks to  an ongoing process of decentralization  

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in which humanity reaps the rewards  of innovation, production, and trade.

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More and more of the world runs  on adaptive, lateral relationships  

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instead of command-and-control structures  and on open systems instead of closed ones.

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Nested networks of flourishing communities abound,  

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and they are challenging  the hierarchies around them.

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Such hierarchies include corporations,  

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those old structures that pay you to be part  of a hierarchy; they are starting to change.

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What should puzzle us is whether  these nested networks exist despite  

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or because of prevailing national hierarchies.

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Paradoxically, the answer could be “both,”  depending on where and when in the world we look.

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To read the news, though, you wouldn’t think  anybody could claim things are getting better.

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The media sell more turmoil than they offer  positive trends over longer timescales.

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Their reports leave many of us with both  a false impression and a general ignorance  

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about just how good we’ve got it compared  to people throughout most of history.

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Writer and cognitive scientist  Steven Pinker is one of the  

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most famous voices pointing out that  the trendlines are mostly positive.

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In an interview with New Scientist, Pinker  admits being struck by a graph that showed a  

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precipitous decline in homicide rates in British  towns, starting in the fourteenth century.

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“The rates had plummeted by between  30 and 100-fold,” said Pinker.

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“That stuck with me, because you  tend to have an image of medieval  

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times with happy peasants coexisting  in close-knit communities, whereas  

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we think of the present as filled with school  shootings and mugging and terrorist attacks."

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24 In the era of sensational headlines  traveling virally through social media  

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horrible things can seem more  frequent, bigger than life.

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So Pinker decided to do some more digging,  and he learned that even twentieth-century  

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Germany had a low rate of war deaths  by comparison to the hunter-gatherers.

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25 Better All the Time 19 From the  perspective of history’s grand sweep,  

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we’re living in an age of  peace, freedom and abundance.

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Even the poorest places on earth are far better  off than they were just a few decades ago.

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Indeed, in the last thirty years alone,  

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the number of people living in  abject poverty has been cut in half.

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Day by day, violent aggression over  resources is rapidly being replaced  

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by the structures of commercial  competition and human cooperation.

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Commercial competition creates a positive-sum  world—that is, a world of everincreasing wealth.

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Today, the struggles are often among companies  competing to offer, say, better gadgets.

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Small businesses are battling it  out at the intersection of Third  

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and Main to serve a better taco, brew a  craftier beer, or open a hotter nightclub.

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The benefits flow to the customers  and those who serve them best.

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All exist in an ecosystem of value.

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In this more benevolent form  of competition a fundamental  

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truth remains - The fittest  social technology will survive.

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Over time—as conquest culture has given  way to commercial culture—we have come to  

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see fewer warlords, kings, and emperors,  and more bosses, executives, and CEOs.

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To some, this may not sound  like such a big improvement.

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The competition is still fierce.

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Companies are still frequently cast as  villainous exploiters, sometimes for good reason.

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But shifting from conquest to  commerce has resulted in more  

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people enjoying more good things  than at any time in human history.

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And it’s only getting better.

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But in this transition, we have to ask - Will CEOs  

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and middle managers also go  the way of kings and lords?

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The modern nation-state and the  modern corporation share social  

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technologies that go back thousands of years.

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But in between hierarchical governments and  hierarchical firms, there is a great teeming.

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It is not chaos.

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People truck, barter, exchange,  collaborate, and cooperate.

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In some cases—such as Morning Star  

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Packing Company and Zappos—a phase  transition has already been made.

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Outside the firm, community groups meet  over potluck dinners planned online.

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Friends find each other in  dive bars and country clubs.

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Husbands and wives go home to one another; the  bills get paid, and the kids get to school.

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Lovers find each other online  in a kind of dating anarchy.

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And all of it happens without  a director or a designer,  

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a beautiful, unconducted symphony  like starlings in a murmuration.

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More and more of the world operates in a place  

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between rigid order and errant  chaos—unmanaged yet orderly.

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More and more of the world is self-organizing.

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Phase Transition

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Complexity science predicts the global  

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trend to which I alluded above.

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At the risk of oversimplifying, the theory  states “complexity transitions” will happen  

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according to the amount and type of  information flowing through a system.

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(A “system,” in this sense,  is a collection of devices or  

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people that information gets transmitted among.)

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How elements of a system deal with information  and resources—or, in the case of firms,  

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knowledge and decisions—will  determine the nature of that system.

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Because systems always exist in some environment,  

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often competing with other systems,  evolutionary pressures are going to  

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determine whether an organization such as your  club, company, county, or country survives.

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And one of the traits selected for  will be how well it coordinates  

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its participants’ behavior—which largely  means - how well it organizes information.

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Complexity science shows that to deal with  more information, systems have to change.

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The process starts with a group  growing big enough to form a hierarchy.

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This usually happens when the group has outgrown  

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the organizational limits of  the egalitarian clan structure.

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As more power gets delegated, extending the chains  of hierarchy, the system becomes more complicated.

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But the hierarchy can only  handle so much complication.

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Eventually the system breaks down  or changes into something that  

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looks more like a network with  an increasing number of “nodes."

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Lateral relationships form,  which we know as “peer to peer."

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Decision-making power spreads down and out.

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And this hastens the complexity transition.

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Yaneer Bar-Yam (literally) wrote  the textbook on complex systems.

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He describes the process that unfolded  historically - “Ancient empires replaced  

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various smaller kingdoms that had developed  during a process of consolidation of yet  

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smaller associations of human beings.

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The degree of control in these systems varied,  

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but the progression toward larger more  centrally controlled entities is apparent....

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This led to a decrease of complexity  of behaviors of many individuals,  

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but a more complex behavior on the larger scale."

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26 Phase Transition 21 But this  could only be sustained for so long.

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As time went on, any given  individual’s behavior diversified,  

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and so did all the tasks performed  by everyone in the system.

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Such is the overall behavior of a  system becoming more complicated.

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More complicated systems required “adding layers  

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of management that served to exercise  local control,” explains Bar-Yam.

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“As viewed by the higher levels of management,  

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each layer simplified the behavior to the  point where an individual could control it.

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The hierarchy acts as a mechanism  for communication of information  

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to and from management.”27 But how far can  introducing layers of management be sustained?

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When you reach the “point at which the collective  complexity is the maximum individual complexity,  

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the process breaks down,” 28 Bar-Yam adds.

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Hierarchical structures cannot handle  any more complexity beyond this point.

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Complexity science tells us the battle  lines will be drawn mainly in terms of  

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how each organization processes information  and applies knowledge to make decisions.

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And if there is a way for an organization  to deal with complexity beyond hierarchy,  

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that form of organization is poised  to challenge the reigning paradigm.

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So, if we put our ears to the ground,  we can hear the rumbling of two great  

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organizational types - one that looks more like a  hierarchy and one that looks more like a network.

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Hierarchy still dominates.

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It is powerful—especially as it appeals  to the human desire to be in control.

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And, of course, human beings  have evolved dispositions to  

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be led—whether by dictators,  daddies, demagogues, or divas.

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Consciously or unconsciously, people  in hierarchical organizations will  

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also fight for the status quo  as long as they benefit from it.

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It’s human nature.

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Yet, decentralized systems can be more flexible,  

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and as thinker and writer Nassim  Taleb observes, “antifragile."

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So the question remains - Which form will win?

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Before trying to answer that question,  

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I want to leave you with more than just  the image of clashing social technologies.

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Because what we’re really interested in  here is flourishing or, more specifically,  

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how people can organize themselves  to improve their well-being.

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The extent to which we can organize ourselves  to be happier, healthier people is the extent  

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to which we can organize ourselves  to create more peace and prosperity.

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Hard to believe?

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Despite some of the wrenching changes  that will be brought about by this  

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coming clash of systems, a more  abundant and humane world awaits.

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Founding Redux

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In thinking about phase transition, though,  the American founding still looms large.

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The American Republic and many democratic  republics since were brilliantly crafted  

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systems designed to maximize freedom  and limit the excesses of hierarchy.

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Or, put another way, documents like the US  Constitution put forth answers to the question,  

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What sort of political order can be created  to unleash as much human autonomy as possible?

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But our operating system, as operating systems  will, has become buggy, strained, and outdated.

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Not only are people becoming weary of a system  designed to pit people against each other with a  

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crude majoritarian calculus, but new systems are  being developed to accommodate phase transition.

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Indeed, some of these systems don’t  require the permission of authorities.

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They arise from technologically connected people  

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along the lines of what James C. Scott  describes in Two Cheers for Anarchism.

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More regimes have been brought, piecemeal,  to their knees by what was once called  

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“Irish Democracy,” the silent, dogged resistance,  withdrawal, and truculence of millions of ordinary  

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people, than by revolutionary vanguards or rioting  mobs.29 Some will try to argue that an uncorrupted  

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social operating system, i.e. the one originally  conceived by the founders, would be a lot better  

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than the version we have now—adulterated as  it has been by dubious legal interpretation.

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I’m sympathetic to that view.

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But it would be difficult, if not impossible,  

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to debug the program and bring  back the founders’ Constitution.

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And happily, we have better options.

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For the first time in history,  technology and culture are providing  

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more and more opportunities to create  new systems and migrate among them.

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Indeed, it used to be that to change systems,  

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one had to migrate quite literally, to pick  oneself up and move to another jurisdiction.

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And that, too, is an increasingly viable option.

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But migrating between systems is also something  that, these days, you can do from your sofa.

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And this ease has profound implications.

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The Authoritarian Urge 23 The Authoritarian  Urge Before closing this chapter,  

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we should give a final doff of the  hat to the democratic republic.

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However imperfect a system it has been,  the democratic republic has arguably done  

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better than any other form of government in  controlling the worst of humanity’s ambitions.

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This cannot be overstated.

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So whatever evolves to replace  the democratic republic should  

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provide us with more mechanisms to  check and channel those ambitions.

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It’s not a stretch to state that there  is an authoritarian urge in all of us.

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For some of us it burns softly, as an ember.

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For others it can quickly be  kindled into a fundamentalist fire.

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But not all ambition results in great evil.

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The democratic republic, more  than any other form of government,  

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has left room for the most ambitious to  channel their desires to productive ends.

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So just as whatever system lies over  the horizon should tamp down the will  

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to power, it should ignite the spirits of  entrepreneurship, innovation, and charity.

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The End Is Nigh

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“Democracy is the art and science of running the  circus from the monkey cage,” said H. L. Mencken.

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So what are we monkeys to do?

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We can get sucked into the ongoing reality  show—the horse races, the scandals,  

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and the controversies—with a bucketful  of popcorn and a vague look of disgust.

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Or we can acknowledge the cage.

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If we succumb to tribal tendencies,  the bumper-sticker rationales,  

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and the “I Voted” rectitude, we  will perpetuate the whole charade.

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Each hanging chad will be a vote  of complicity in this monstrous  

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thing that has grown upon the backs of the people.

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At the very least, we can call this  thing what it is - An illusion.

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Or we can be revolutionaries again.

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We can rattle the cage.

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A million little acts of civil disobedience  here and there can add up fast.

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I have done my best thus far,  

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dear reader, to disabuse you of  any unreflective faith in politics.

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At the least, I hope I’ve  left you with some skepticism.

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My goal is not to criticize for criticism’s sake.

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Instead I want to help people see good reasons not  

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to cling too tightly to a system that  might have outlived its usefulness.

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When the time comes, you’ll  have good reasons to let go.

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Because politics as we know it is nigh at an end.

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In other words, even if you don’t believe  a word of this chapter, change is coming.

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This has been The Social Singularity. How  decentralization will allow us to transcend

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politics, create global prosperity, and avoid  the robot apocalypse, written by Max Borders,

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narrated by Russell Newton. Copyright 2018 by  Max Borders. Production copyright by Spokane Tome

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Media. You need to hear this.

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